Blood and Faith: The Purging of Muslim Spain (58 page)
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BOOK: Blood and Faith: The Purging of Muslim Spain
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20
Francisco Vendramino, “Relación de viaje 1595,” in García Mercadal,
Viajes de extranjeros
, p. 1489.
Francisco Vendramino, “Relación de viaje 1595,” in García Mercadal,
Viajes de extranjeros
, p. 1489.
21
For these and other similar examples, see Tueller,
Good and Faithful Christians
.
Chapter 17. “An Imminent Danger”: 1598–1609For these and other similar examples, see Tueller,
Good and Faithful Christians
.
1
Cited in Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent,
Historia de los moriscos
, p. 161.
Cited in Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent,
Historia de los moriscos
, p. 161.
2
Cited in Casey,
Kingdom of Valencia
, p. 213.
Cited in Casey,
Kingdom of Valencia
, p. 213.
3
Fernando Niño de Guevara to King Philip III, August 11, 1599, in Zayas,
Los moriscos
, p. 473.
Fernando Niño de Guevara to King Philip III, August 11, 1599, in Zayas,
Los moriscos
, p. 473.
4
Cited in Ehlers,
Between Christians and Moriscos
, p. 128.
Cited in Ehlers,
Between Christians and Moriscos
, p. 128.
5
Ibid., p. 134.
Ibid., p. 134.
6
Text of Bleda’s summary in Zayas,
Los moriscos
, pp. 411–65.
Text of Bleda’s summary in Zayas,
Los moriscos
, pp. 411–65.
7
Gómez Davila y Toledo,
Discursos
, cited in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, p. 64.
Gómez Davila y Toledo,
Discursos
, cited in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, p. 64.
8
AGS, Estado,
legajo
212, extract, ibid., pp. 91–92.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
212, extract, ibid., pp. 91–92.
9
Full text of Figueroa’s memorandum, ibid., pp. 431–43.
Full text of Figueroa’s memorandum, ibid., pp. 431–43.
10
Joseph Creswell, undated memoir, cited in Hillgarth,
Mirror of Spain
, p. 208.
Joseph Creswell, undated memoir, cited in Hillgarth,
Mirror of Spain
, p. 208.
11
Valencia,
Tratado acerca
.
Valencia,
Tratado acerca
.
12
Cited in Danvila y Collado,
La expulsion
, p. 240.
Cited in Danvila y Collado,
La expulsion
, p. 240.
13
Janer,
Condición social
, p. 276.
Janer,
Condición social
, p. 276.
14
Cited in Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent,
Historia de los moriscos
, p. 170.
Cited in Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent,
Historia de los moriscos
, p. 170.
15
Council of State minutes, January 30, 1608, in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, pp. 457–74.
Council of State minutes, January 30, 1608, in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, pp. 457–74.
16
AGS, Estado 209, September 23, 1608.
AGS, Estado 209, September 23, 1608.
17
Sobrino exchanged letters with Feliciano de Figueroa, bishop of Segorbe, who shared his perspective, even going so far as to declare that “the King Our Lord cannot in good conscience order baptized Moriscos to be expelled from Spain” and that it was “Catholic and obligatory to conserve the religion in them.” Figueroa to Sobrino, March 10, 1609, in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, p. 505.
Sobrino exchanged letters with Feliciano de Figueroa, bishop of Segorbe, who shared his perspective, even going so far as to declare that “the King Our Lord cannot in good conscience order baptized Moriscos to be expelled from Spain” and that it was “Catholic and obligatory to conserve the religion in them.” Figueroa to Sobrino, March 10, 1609, in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, p. 505.
18
AGS, Estado,
legajo
218, Council of State
consulta
, April 4, 1609.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
218, Council of State
consulta
, April 4, 1609.
19
AGS, Estado,
legajo
218, letter from Don Pedro de Toledo to Andrés Prada, June 7, 1609.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
218, letter from Don Pedro de Toledo to Andrés Prada, June 7, 1609.
20
“Carta de D. Manuel Ponce de León a Su Majestad,” August 28, 1609, in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 237–46.
“Carta de D. Manuel Ponce de León a Su Majestad,” August 28, 1609, in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 237–46.
21
Ribera to Andrés de Prada, August 23, 1609, in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, p. 167.
Ribera to Andrés de Prada, August 23, 1609, in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, p. 167.
22
Ribera to Lerma, August 30, 1609, ibid., pp. 169–70.
Chapter 18. The “Agreeable Holocaust”Ribera to Lerma, August 30, 1609, ibid., pp. 169–70.
1
A full text of the expulsion edict can be found in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 249–55.
A full text of the expulsion edict can be found in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 249–55.
2
The king and his ministers did consider the expulsion of Morisca women married to Old Christians as well, but rejected this option during the final pre-expulsion Council of State meeting held on September 15 in King Philip III’s presence. At the meeting, ministers expressed fears that expelled Morisca wives might be tempted to adultery in Barbary and give birth to “adulterous children and Moors.” See Council of State minutes in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, pp. 544–48.
The king and his ministers did consider the expulsion of Morisca women married to Old Christians as well, but rejected this option during the final pre-expulsion Council of State meeting held on September 15 in King Philip III’s presence. At the meeting, ministers expressed fears that expelled Morisca wives might be tempted to adultery in Barbary and give birth to “adulterous children and Moors.” See Council of State minutes in Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, pp. 544–48.
3
See “Memorandum on the Expulsion and the Measures That Should Be Put into Practice to Ameliorate the Ruin of the Kingdom,” September 1609, in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 248–50. Though Sobrino described the king’s decision as an “inevitable” product of “reason of state,” and celebrated the coming removal of “such an insufferable and ugly abomination,” he remained painfully aware of the “ruin and desolation” that it was likely to bring to Valencia.
See “Memorandum on the Expulsion and the Measures That Should Be Put into Practice to Ameliorate the Ruin of the Kingdom,” September 1609, in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 248–50. Though Sobrino described the king’s decision as an “inevitable” product of “reason of state,” and celebrated the coming removal of “such an insufferable and ugly abomination,” he remained painfully aware of the “ruin and desolation” that it was likely to bring to Valencia.
4
For Ribera’s sermon, see Márquez Villanueva,
El problema morisco
, pp. 295–318.
For Ribera’s sermon, see Márquez Villanueva,
El problema morisco
, pp. 295–318.
5
Cabrera de Córdoba, December 20, 1609, in
Relaciones
. A veteran soldier, courtier, and author, Cabrera de Córdoba wrote a history of Philip II’s reign and his indispensable journal of Philip III’s court is filled with telling glimpses of the expulsion from the perspective of the government in Madrid.
Cabrera de Córdoba, December 20, 1609, in
Relaciones
. A veteran soldier, courtier, and author, Cabrera de Córdoba wrote a history of Philip II’s reign and his indispensable journal of Philip III’s court is filled with telling glimpses of the expulsion from the perspective of the government in Madrid.
6
Letter from Ribera to Lerma, October 7, 1609, in Janer,
Condición social
, pp. 304–5. Ribera’s concern for Valencia’s impoverished Christians may not have been driven exclusively by compassion—or resentment of the Moriscos—but also by guilt, since he was undoubtedly aware that he was as responsible as anyone for their losses.
Letter from Ribera to Lerma, October 7, 1609, in Janer,
Condición social
, pp. 304–5. Ribera’s concern for Valencia’s impoverished Christians may not have been driven exclusively by compassion—or resentment of the Moriscos—but also by guilt, since he was undoubtedly aware that he was as responsible as anyone for their losses.
7
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, letter from Duke of Gandía to King Philip III, October 1, 1609.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, letter from Duke of Gandía to King Philip III, October 1, 1609.
8
In Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, pp. 199–200.
In Boronat y Barrachina,
Los moriscos
, vol. 2, pp. 199–200.
9
“Brief Relation of the Expulsion from Valencia,” in Lea,
Moriscos of Spain
, pp. 439–44.
“Brief Relation of the Expulsion from Valencia,” in Lea,
Moriscos of Spain
, pp. 439–44.
10
Cited in Epalza, “Caracterización del exilio musulman,” p. 220.
Cited in Epalza, “Caracterización del exilio musulman,” p. 220.
11
Cited in Caro Baroja,
Los moriscos
, p. 356.
Cited in Caro Baroja,
Los moriscos
, p. 356.
12
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, Caracena to King Philip III, October 3, 1609.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, Caracena to King Philip III, October 3, 1609.
13
Cabrera de Córdoba, October 24, 1609, in
Relaciones
, p. 385.
Cabrera de Córdoba, October 24, 1609, in
Relaciones
, p. 385.
14
“Statistics of Moriscos Embarked from the Grau of Valencia,” October 23, 1609, in Lapeyre,
Géographie
, doc. 3.
“Statistics of Moriscos Embarked from the Grau of Valencia,” October 23, 1609, in Lapeyre,
Géographie
, doc. 3.
15
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, Caracena to King Philip III, December 9, 1609.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, Caracena to King Philip III, December 9, 1609.
16
This horrendous episode is related in Fonseca,
Justa expulsion
, book 5, chap. 3. Fonseca was in Barcelona when Ribera arrived with his stolen merchandise and described how “all Barcelona came to see and buy the spoils.” Ribera was executed on December 12, 1609.
This horrendous episode is related in Fonseca,
Justa expulsion
, book 5, chap. 3. Fonseca was in Barcelona when Ribera arrived with his stolen merchandise and described how “all Barcelona came to see and buy the spoils.” Ribera was executed on December 12, 1609.
17
al-Maqqari,
History of the Mohammedan Dynasties
, p. 392.
al-Maqqari,
History of the Mohammedan Dynasties
, p. 392.
18
Verdú,
Engaños y desengaños
, p. 144.
Verdú,
Engaños y desengaños
, p. 144.
19
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217.
20
Corral y Rojas,
Relación
, p. 36.
Corral y Rojas,
Relación
, p. 36.
21
Ibid., p. 38.
Ibid., p. 38.
22
Ibid.
Ibid.
23
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, letter from Juan de Córdoba to Mejía, December 10, 1609.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
217, letter from Juan de Córdoba to Mejía, December 10, 1609.
24
Ribera to King Philip III, February 10, 1610, in Janer,
Condición social
, p. 338.
Chapter 19. Secrecy and DeceptionRibera to King Philip III, February 10, 1610, in Janer,
Condición social
, p. 338.
1
Murcia town council to King Philip III, October 17, 1609, in Janer,
Condición social
, p. 318.
Murcia town council to King Philip III, October 17, 1609, in Janer,
Condición social
, p. 318.
2
The town council’s appeal was sent to the Council of State with an accompanying letter from a local Murcian chaplain, who insisted that the Moriscos of Murcia were engaged in seditious contacts with corsairs and warned that “His Majesty will be served in not giving credit to the officials and councilors of this city” ( Janer,
Condición social
, p. 319). These conflicting claims in themselves obliged the king and his ministers to conduct an investigation or make their own decision as to which one to believe—a dilemma they had not encountered in Valencia.
The town council’s appeal was sent to the Council of State with an accompanying letter from a local Murcian chaplain, who insisted that the Moriscos of Murcia were engaged in seditious contacts with corsairs and warned that “His Majesty will be served in not giving credit to the officials and councilors of this city” ( Janer,
Condición social
, p. 319). These conflicting claims in themselves obliged the king and his ministers to conduct an investigation or make their own decision as to which one to believe—a dilemma they had not encountered in Valencia.
3
For text of this edict, see Harvey,
Muslims in Spain
, pp. 402–4.
For text of this edict, see Harvey,
Muslims in Spain
, pp. 402–4.
4
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2745, Duke of Arcos to King Philip III, February 13, 1610.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2745, Duke of Arcos to King Philip III, February 13, 1610.
5
AGS, Estado,
legajo
220, letter from the Duchess of Cardona, Marquesa of Comares, to King Philip III, January 18, 1610.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
220, letter from the Duchess of Cardona, Marquesa of Comares, to King Philip III, January 18, 1610.
6
AGS, Estado,
legajo
220, letter from Don Pedro Vaca de Castro to King Philip III, January 24, 1610.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
220, letter from Don Pedro Vaca de Castro to King Philip III, January 24, 1610.
7
Cited in Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent,
Historia de los moriscos
, p. 189.
Cited in Domínguez Ortiz and Vincent,
Historia de los moriscos
, p. 189.
8
Agustín Durán, “On How and Why King Philip III Expelled the Moriscos from Spain,” cited in Caro Baroja,
Los moriscos
, p. 353.
Agustín Durán, “On How and Why King Philip III Expelled the Moriscos from Spain,” cited in Caro Baroja,
Los moriscos
, p. 353.
9
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2745, letter from Duke of Pastrana, undated.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2745, letter from Duke of Pastrana, undated.
10
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2745, Council of State
consulta
to King Philip III, September 4, 1610.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2745, Council of State
consulta
to King Philip III, September 4, 1610.
11
Cited in Tapia Sánchez,
La comunidad morisca de Ávila
, p. 356.
Cited in Tapia Sánchez,
La comunidad morisca de Ávila
, p. 356.
12
Cited in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 327
Cited in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 327
13
AGS, Estado,
legajo
241, information on Moriscos of Tortosa district from Don Pedro Manrique, Bishop of Tortosa, August 29, 1610.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
241, information on Moriscos of Tortosa district from Don Pedro Manrique, Bishop of Tortosa, August 29, 1610.
14
AGS, Estado,
legajo
220, undated letter to King Philip III.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
220, undated letter to King Philip III.
15
Ahmad Bin Qassim al-Hajari, “Selections from Kitab Nasir al-Din ala al-Qawm al-Kafirin (The Book of the Protector of Religion against the Unbelievers),” in Matar,
In the Lands of the Christians
, p. 14.
Ahmad Bin Qassim al-Hajari, “Selections from Kitab Nasir al-Din ala al-Qawm al-Kafirin (The Book of the Protector of Religion against the Unbelievers),” in Matar,
In the Lands of the Christians
, p. 14.
16
Cited in López-Baralt, “Legacy of Islam,” pp. 540–41.
Cited in López-Baralt, “Legacy of Islam,” pp. 540–41.
17
Full text of this letter in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 339.
Full text of this letter in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 339.
18
Diego Luis Morlem, November 10, 1611, in ibid., p. 980.
Diego Luis Morlem, November 10, 1611, in ibid., p. 980.
19
Licenciado
Molina to Jerónimo de Loaysa, July 25, 1611, in Janer,
Condición social
, pp. 350–51.
Licenciado
Molina to Jerónimo de Loaysa, July 25, 1611, in Janer,
Condición social
, pp. 350–51.
20
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2754, memorandum from Fray Jaime Bleda Valenciano, December 23, 1610.
AGS, Estado,
legajo
2754, memorandum from Fray Jaime Bleda Valenciano, December 23, 1610.
21
AGS, Estado,
legajo
235, Council of State, December 29, 1610.
Chapter 20. A Perfect Conclusion? 1611–1614AGS, Estado,
legajo
235, Council of State, December 29, 1610.
1
Caracena’s letter cited in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 337. This was not a possibility that was likely to appeal to King Philip III, and there was no attempt to implement either of these options.
Caracena’s letter cited in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 337. This was not a possibility that was likely to appeal to King Philip III, and there was no attempt to implement either of these options.
2
Zapata’s efforts were hailed in a forgettable poem by Vicente Pérez de Culla, entitled
Expulsion de los moriscos rebeldes de la Sierra y Muela de Cortes por Simeon Zapata Valenciano
, which praised Zapata for bringing about the removal of “that infidel, barbarous, bestial swine / that was such an insane, inhuman, insolent threat to the Christian.”
Zapata’s efforts were hailed in a forgettable poem by Vicente Pérez de Culla, entitled
Expulsion de los moriscos rebeldes de la Sierra y Muela de Cortes por Simeon Zapata Valenciano
, which praised Zapata for bringing about the removal of “that infidel, barbarous, bestial swine / that was such an insane, inhuman, insolent threat to the Christian.”
3
Cited in Harvey,
Muslims in Spain
, p. 329.
Cited in Harvey,
Muslims in Spain
, p. 329.
4
Council of State memo, September 9, 1612, cited in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 793.
Council of State memo, September 9, 1612, cited in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, p. 793.
5
Calderón’s downfall followed the arrest in 1607 of another key Lerma placeman, Pedro de Franquesa e Esteve, on charges of embezzling state finances. This arrest was partly due to the machinations of Queen Margaret, who resented Lerma’s influence at court, and who was keen to bring down the equally corrupt Calderón. Her enmity toward him was so well known that there were rumors at court that Calderón had had her poisoned. See Sanchéz,
Empress
.
Calderón’s downfall followed the arrest in 1607 of another key Lerma placeman, Pedro de Franquesa e Esteve, on charges of embezzling state finances. This arrest was partly due to the machinations of Queen Margaret, who resented Lerma’s influence at court, and who was keen to bring down the equally corrupt Calderón. Her enmity toward him was so well known that there were rumors at court that Calderón had had her poisoned. See Sanchéz,
Empress
.
6
In Cervantes,
Don Quixote
, pp. 816–22. The nostalgic tone of Cervantes’ depiction of Ricote did not mean that he had entirely abandoned the anti-Morisco prejudices of
Dialogue of the Dogs
. Apologists for the expulsion, including Bleda, often wrote of the affection of exiled Moriscos for Spain as if it were a generalized phenomenon and took a morbid satisfaction from it. Cervantes goes further, allowing Ricote to praise the wisdom of the expulsion “in pure Castilian” rather than “Moorish jargon,” on the grounds that “it is no good thing to nourish a snake in your bosom and have enemies within your own house. In fact it was with good reason that all of us were punished with exile.”
In Cervantes,
Don Quixote
, pp. 816–22. The nostalgic tone of Cervantes’ depiction of Ricote did not mean that he had entirely abandoned the anti-Morisco prejudices of
Dialogue of the Dogs
. Apologists for the expulsion, including Bleda, often wrote of the affection of exiled Moriscos for Spain as if it were a generalized phenomenon and took a morbid satisfaction from it. Cervantes goes further, allowing Ricote to praise the wisdom of the expulsion “in pure Castilian” rather than “Moorish jargon,” on the grounds that “it is no good thing to nourish a snake in your bosom and have enemies within your own house. In fact it was with good reason that all of us were punished with exile.”
7
Inquisitorial trial extracts on Diego Díaz in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 271–84.
Inquisitorial trial extracts on Diego Díaz in García Arenal,
Los moriscos
, pp. 271–84.
8
Cited in Regla,
Estudios
, p. 115.
Cited in Regla,
Estudios
, p. 115.
9
This episode is mentioned in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, as another example of what he calls the “superhuman determination” of the population of Villarubia to remain in their homes. In his reconstruction of the impact of the expulsion on the Campo de Calatrava, Dadson suggests that Diego de Silva y Mendoza, the Count of Salinas, was opposed to the expulsion of the Moriscos from his estates and may have been complicit in the “squatting” of his Madrid residence. Dadson makes a strong case that Salinas was opposed to the expulsion and did his best to delay it—a phenomenon that he suggests was repeated in other parts of Spain.
This episode is mentioned in Dadson,
Los moriscos de Villarubia
, as another example of what he calls the “superhuman determination” of the population of Villarubia to remain in their homes. In his reconstruction of the impact of the expulsion on the Campo de Calatrava, Dadson suggests that Diego de Silva y Mendoza, the Count of Salinas, was opposed to the expulsion of the Moriscos from his estates and may have been complicit in the “squatting” of his Madrid residence. Dadson makes a strong case that Salinas was opposed to the expulsion and did his best to delay it—a phenomenon that he suggests was repeated in other parts of Spain.
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