Soldier of Crusade (15 page)

‘So Tacitus, the man who does least, gains most.’

‘I should think he has spent the morning polishing his nose.’

It was late afternoon before Tacitus led his two thousand men into Nicaea to accept the surrender and not much longer after that Acip
Bey led his Turks out through silent ranks of the crusading host. It was a testimony to the grip that both the leaders and their purpose had on these men that they acquiesced in what was taking place, for there was not a fighter amongst them who did not serve for plunder and there before them, and they were barred from entry, was a rich city at their mercy.

‘So we march on south?’ Tancred asked.

‘When we have arranged supplies, which I think will be readily provided. There are still Turks to contest with and they are yet a threat to Alexius. He will want us to render that void.’

If the treasury and plunder of Nicaea was barred to the host, reward was not. The leaders were called to Alexius’s camp at Pelekanum and showered with gold, treasure sent back to Nicaea for their supporters and captains, rewarded as to their rank. When it came to the rank and file it was tubs of copper that they could spend in the fleshpots that had grown up around Civetot, now available to them given there was no enemy to fight and they could travel back and forth freely.

On the return to their encampment Adémar waited for Alexius to arrive in person and waited in vain, a message sent to the council that he had returned to the capital and he awaited them there to discuss future plans. Added to that was a telling postscript: they were welcome in Constantinople but it was felt their lances should stay south of the Bosphorus, with Raymond of Toulouse, the man who had refused to take the oath, in command.

Bohemund waited for his peers to be insulted and he waited in vain; even Vermandois seemed able to accept what the Count of Taranto saw as a calculated insult, though he understood well the reason the Emperor would never come near Nicaea while they were
present. Alexius would see the Crusader encampment as a place of danger where he, surrounded by more men than he could muster to defend himself, would be at their mercy. He feared to step into their tents for fear of becoming their prisoner and the annoying fact was that he was the only ‘prince’ to see the truth that there was no real bond of trust between Byzantium and the Crusade.

The remaining members of the council, accompanied by their closest aides, rode into the city as a body, attended by their most powerful supporters and their familia knights, banners flying, to be cheered to the skies by the multitude. A Mass was said in Santa Sophia in which, much to the clear displeasure of the Patriarch of Constantinople, the head of the Greek Orthodox Church, Bishop Adémar was permitted to perform the liturgy in the Latin rite, giving communion to the kneeling lords of Europe and their closest followers.

A great feast naturally followed in the Blachernae Palace, during which even more gifts of gold and jewels were presented to the victorious Crusaders, and while the entertainment took everyone’s attention, Bohemund kept an eye on Alexius, who if he was aware of it did not respond. The following day was spent in council with the Emperor, discussing the plans and needs of the next stage of their journey, plus the pitfalls they might face, which would take them to the vital city of Antioch.

There was a suggestion that they exploit the division amongst the various branches of the Mohammedan faith; the Fatamids in Egypt hated their co-religionists in his old domains, as well as the tribes who held Jerusalem, and might be persuaded to aid the Crusaders’ cause. To this end he despatched an embassy to sound out their leader. After days of rejoicing, the time came to depart, but first Alexius sprung a small surprise.

It was a seemingly innocuous request that before the Franks and Apulians marched on they should restate the oaths previously taken regarding imperial property and that, because they were present, this included the likes of Baldwin and Tancred who had previously managed to avoid swearing. Baldwin acquiesced without a murmur, but Tancred was troubled to make a pledge he might not be able to keep. There was, however, no choice.

Golden-nosed Tacitus and his two thousand men would march with them to, as Alexius said, aid them in any task they undertook, protect them on their journey and to take possession, on his behalf and that of the empire, of any town and cities that fell to them on the way to Palestine. Vague promises were made about what would follow – some were sure that meant Alexius and the whole military might of Byzantium: Bohemund was not so sure and found in Godfrey de Bouillon a magnate willing to share such reservations. Yet there was nothing they could do to pressure the Emperor for a more binding commitment and they also had no choice but to march on when he gave the signal it was time to do so.

B
ack in the camp outside Nicaea – the city and its churches was still barred to them except in small groups – the Council of Princes debated the next stage of their campaign, and some of the constraints which had applied to the previous endeavours existed now. In fact the problem was greater, for supply from Constantinople, either by sea or land, became increasingly difficult to maintain the further south they moved. Their numbers had previously dictated that they marched to Nicaea in separate units to avoid so stripping the land they passed through, for it would not support the whole.

Now at full strength and with a tail of camp-follower pilgrims that was made worse, even if the line of march, at least in its original phase, took them through very fertile country, but even the best of Anatolia could not feed a host which numbered in total seventy thousand mouths that arrived without warning. Foraging would be required, but more vital was to alert a wide area of the country that there was a
passing market, and one with deep pockets for their excess produce, if they cared to make their way towards the line of march.

‘We dare not be so broken up as we were coming here.’ Godfrey de Bouillon stated this as though he expected it to be disputed, legs spread apart, his barrel chest thrust out and with it his jaw. ‘We have driven Kilij Arslan off but that does not mean he will lie low like a dog and give us free passage.’

Bohemund permitted himself only a hint of a smile; de Bouillon was right, but would he ever acknowledge that he bore the responsibility for that situation, given his failure to control his lances in the first battle? Judging by his appearance the answer was no, and looking around the others there seemed no one, judging by their faces, who thought as he did.

‘We cannot do as we did before,’ insisted Raymond. ‘In individual units we will be too small and vulnerable.’

‘Added to which we have thousands of pilgrims.’

Adémar got a response that displeased him from Vermandois and standing behind him the Constable of France. ‘I would leave them behind, let them make their own way to Jerusalem.’

‘You would see them massacred, Count Hugh?’

‘By whom?’ Vermandois responded. ‘We have given the Turks such a bloody nose I doubt we’ll see sight of them between here and Syria.’

That, which flew in the face of everything that had just been said by the likes of Raymond and Godfrey, taxed the Bishop’s seeming endless depths of patience and he sounded more irritated than he had ever allowed himself to be up till now, partly, Bohemund suspected, because when he spoke those words Vermandois had adopted a look of such arrogant indifference.

‘They require our protection, and it is no less than our Christian
duty to provide it to them. It seems you would throw them to the wolves, Count Hugh.’

‘I would not see them harmed,’ the Frenchman insisted, looking around as if he had somehow been traduced. ‘But they complicate our passage. If they travel separately they will not want for protection even if Kilij Arslan can create another army to replace the one we have destroyed. Good sense tells me that he must deal with us first and that is another battle he will lose.’

‘It has been my experience,’ Bohemund cut in, with much emphasis on the last word, ‘that when neighbours are threatened they tend to combine, in order to avoid being defeated piecemeal.’

‘We should fear the Danishmends?’ asked Robert of Normandy.

‘Let us say we must be aware of them, for they are as numerous as the tribe led by Arslan and are his neighbours and fellow infidels.’

‘As well as bitter enemies,’ Vermandois said.

‘Even bitter enemies sometimes come together. Let us remind ourselves that we did not destroy him, we merely put him to flight, and he will desperately want back what he had. This tells me he will pay a high price to get it, even by making peace with the Danishmends. But I would caution also that there are many other Seljuk tribes between us and the Euphrates, and if we are seen as instruments of Byzantium they will perceive that as a threat to them all and combine.’

‘They would be wise to fight us before we got to Antioch,’ de Bouillon suggested.

‘Which is not yet threatened,’ Raymond reminded him. ‘It is many leagues distant.’

‘They will have word from Byzantium of where we are headed, which in any case is not secret. As to our strengths and weaknesses,
not all the mercenaries Alexius employs will be loyal to him, given too many are Turks or half-breeds.’

This Frankish conversation was being quietly translated for Tacitus; those words of Godfrey de Bouillon got the Duke of Lower Lorraine a filthy look that went right over his head, he being unaware of the insult.

‘The decision we must make is this: can we march as a single body?’ Adémar asked, nailing the important point. ‘And if we cannot, how are we going to divide the host and into how many parts?’

‘No is my answer to your first question,’ Bohemund replied, a response that was backed up by the shaken heads of all the other magnates. ‘Yet My Lord of Toulouse is right, we must be strong enough to battle if it is forced upon us.’

‘Provided we do not have too much distance between us we can be as good as one.’

‘Which obliges me to add that from Nicaea onwards we will not have the road we enjoyed previously, so rapid movement will not be possible. According to Alexius it is still a route, but one in which the old Roman Road only shows in very few places. Nor will we have the supplies in the quantity we require, which means we cannot just rely on forage and greedy peasant farmers. We must take with us food on the hoof and use the spare horses, oxen and donkeys as beasts of burden.’

After much discussion and several discarded suggestions it was decided that safety lay in numbers but the host could split in two and still be secure. Contact should be maintained and they should never be so far apart as to be unable to offer mutual support. The destination, where they would once more become complete, was an old Byzantine military camp at Dorylaeum, where there was ample
water and pasture as well as a large farming quarter in the surrounding countryside.

The Normans, both contingents, would take the lead with half the pilgrims and camp followers, the rest coming on actually under Raymond, though pride was assuaged with the other princes by naming the titular leader as Adémar. Bohemund and Duke Robert exchanged a look then that might presage difficulties, for they had not, up till now, appeared to be natural bedfellows.

‘I think he worries about acting in concert with me. Robert, with his title, sees himself as suzerain to anyone named de Hauteville and every Norman lance we lead, while he knows that it is not a condition I accept and that could lead to dispute.’

‘And will it?’ his nephew asked.

‘I will try very hard to make it congenial. Nothing has changed, for in the end we will be as one again and all the complications of that will resurface. Little will be achieved by making enemies.’ That was followed by a wry smile. ‘And Normans are the worst to have.’

‘And who does Tacitus march with?’

‘Adémar, and it is my guess he will be bringing up the rear.’

‘I long to see these Byzantines actually fight.’

‘It would not be a thing to hold your breath upon.’

In that Bohemund was mistaken; if they had been supine at Nicaea they were the opposite now. In order that imperial rights should be respected and protected, especially any towns they passed or captured, Alexius had ordered his
Prōstratōr
Tacitus to advance with the very front elements of the Crusaders, in fact to take the lead and command, which also underlined their vow of service to him.

As soon as the forward element parted company with their confrères
it was made plain to Tacitus that his position was one of advisor, not leader; neither of the Norman magnates had any intention of being led by a Byzantine, however highly he was regarded by his Emperor, and pressing home that agreement went some way to help them warm to each other.

The Norman host was in excess of fifteen thousand strong and half that number again would come on in the second wave, both a mass of mounted knights, who would lead their animals at least half of each day’s progress, as well as the foot-bound
milities
, and, combined, the fighting elements made up two-thirds of the entire body. The rest – the pilgrims, and the camp followers attracted to any fighting force – straggled along in their wake led by a restored Peter the Hermit, either walking like him or, if they were of the wealthier kind, bestride an ass, creating a huge cloud of dust that rose to choke anyone not out to the front, which included Tancred, in command of the powerful rearguard.

With so many animals – each knight required three: one to ride, another to carry his equipment, clothing and personal stores and lastly his destrier – water was the paramount concern and that applied as much to an ox as an ass and to a pilgrim as much as a duke. Fortunately the lands of this part of Anatolia were well watered from the various mountain ranges that dotted the landscape, with peaks that in winter all held falls of snow, and these were melting to feed the rivers. They were traversing this fecund agricultural land at no great pace, passing alongside fields full of crops to purchase, so that the march, covering no more than ten leagues a day, dust notwithstanding, had a carnival air.

Out in front Robert of Normandy and Bohemund rode side by side
with Tacitus, who was, as usual, not much given to communication. After an initial display of reserve it quickly became obvious that the two leaders had more in common than what might separate them. Away from the Council of Princes, Robert was a more congenial person by far, aware of the dangers of dissension and determined not to raise any hackles, so they soon fell to discussing the various things that troubled their life, both of which revolved around family.

‘I would be at peace with William,’ Robert said, referring to his brother, ‘for I am content with what my father left me. He is not – even if I have given him my bounden oath not to attempt anything in England.’

‘He wants everything?’

Robert smiled. ‘Just as I am told do you.’

‘I admit to wanting what should be mine by right.’

‘I have been told of the nature of the man who prevents you.’

‘Not
Borsa
,’ Bohemund snarled.

‘No, the Great Count.’

That was acknowledged but with a shaking head. ‘If I knew the true reason why my Uncle Roger acts as he does I might be more content. Is it for an oath he swore to my father or a wily way to suit his own purpose?’

‘Have you asked him?’

Bohemund shrugged and produced a grin. ‘You will find, Duke Robert, that to ask a direct question of a de Hauteville does not get you a straight answer.’

Robert laughed. ‘Then Italy has not sapped your Norman spirit.’

The easy talk continued at night, when the camp was set up, joined by Tancred, Robert of Salerno and many of the Duke’s captains. Old campaigns were discussed, north and south – how Robert’s father had subdued much of England by torching the country, especially the
north, which was held by those listening to be a proper way to control a recalcitrant Anglo-Saxon populace and their rebellious carls.

Talk of family was again to the fore, for Normandy was troubled not only by William Rufus but also the Conqueror’s youngest son Henry, even more implacably opposed to the Duke of Normandy than his sibling monarch. Then there were the Norman nobles who betrayed him one day to side with his brother, only to offer allegiance the next so he could never engage in combat and have any assurance of full support. He had already been captured once and imprisoned, forced to cede his inherited English domains to buy his release, and his tone left no one in any doubt he was sick of it.

The de Hauteville story was different. A lack of opportunity had brought them to Italy where William, the eldest, had shown great fighting and tactical quality to become the right-hand man to a powerful Norman magnate called Rainulf of Aversa, only to sense himself betrayed once he had aided Rainulf to recognition of the title of count. That had led to the near impregnable Castle of Melfi and a commitment to aid the Lombards against their Byzantine masters. William soon discerned that they were too untrustworthy to rule themselves, any one of a number of princes who rose to prominence seemingly ever ready to surrender leadership and the possibility of a kingly title for Byzantine gold.

So the de Hauteville brothers, now five in number, carved out a fief for themselves through their combat skills, first on the old Roman battlefield of Cannae, where William had done to the Eastern Empire what Hannibal had done to the Roman legions in antiquity. Much fighting followed across the whole of Apulia, Calabria and Sicily over four decades, de Hautevilles dying from age and the secret knife, to be succeeded by the next brother in line who could hold the Normans as one.

Byzantium suffered defeat at their hands everywhere until only Bari stood against them and that had fallen to the genius of the
Guiscard
. Not that he had enjoyed peace; plagued as he was by constant rebellion as well as a combination of all the princes of Northern Italy, arrayed against him under the banner of Pope Urban’s predecessor. The fiery and intemperate prelate called Hildebrand, known to posterity as Gregory VII, hated the Normans and wished them gone. In defeating him and his combined forces Robert de Hauteville had been granted the full ducal rights, now held by
Borsa
, by papal decree.

It was easy to discuss with Robert the dispute Bohemund had with his half-brother, given his own sire had been born out of wedlock. Also there was much that did not require to be said, for these were men who lived in a world where much changed decade by decade and no lord was ever secure. If his sword could not hold them another would take his possessions. Robert’s father William had come to the title aged just seven, the grandfather after who he was named having died on this very pilgrimage, and he had been required to fight hard to keep his inheritance, many times coming close to losing his life and his duchy.