Read The Great Arab Conquests Online
Authors: Hugh Kennedy
The Great Arab Conquests (19 page)
Much of the revenue that sustained the splendour of the Persian monarchy was derived from the rich agricultural lands of Iraq.
4
Members of the royal family and the great aristocratic dynasties had extensive and productive estates cultivated by large numbers of peasants who lived in serf-like conditions.
5
There was a vast social and economic gulf between the aristocracy and the people who tilled their lands. In theory at least, intermarriage between social groups was strictly forbidden. The upper classes were exempt from the hated poll tax, which merchants and peasants were obliged to pay to the Sasanian shah. The aristocracy wore crowns, golden belts and armbands and the tall conical hats called
qalansuwa
. Rustam, the Persian general who led the army against the Arab invaders, came from this background and his
qalansuwa
is said to have been worth 100,000 silver dirhams. Below the greater aristocracy was a larger group of
dehqāns
, a word that might usefully be translated as ‘gentry’. These lesser landowners were the pillars of the Sasanian bureaucracy and taxation system.
4
Members of the royal family and the great aristocratic dynasties had extensive and productive estates cultivated by large numbers of peasants who lived in serf-like conditions.
5
There was a vast social and economic gulf between the aristocracy and the people who tilled their lands. In theory at least, intermarriage between social groups was strictly forbidden. The upper classes were exempt from the hated poll tax, which merchants and peasants were obliged to pay to the Sasanian shah. The aristocracy wore crowns, golden belts and armbands and the tall conical hats called
qalansuwa
. Rustam, the Persian general who led the army against the Arab invaders, came from this background and his
qalansuwa
is said to have been worth 100,000 silver dirhams. Below the greater aristocracy was a larger group of
dehqāns
, a word that might usefully be translated as ‘gentry’. These lesser landowners were the pillars of the Sasanian bureaucracy and taxation system.
The aristocracy was Persian speaking but most of the population talked Aramaic. These Aramaeans
6
were the farmers and peasants who made the land so productive. Some Aramaeans might aspire to gentry status, but entrance to the aristocracy was impossible. They did not normally serve in the army, which was mostly recruited from Persians and people like the Armenians with a strong warrior tradition. The despised Aramaean peasants were unlikely to risk their lives to defend their masters.
6
were the farmers and peasants who made the land so productive. Some Aramaeans might aspire to gentry status, but entrance to the aristocracy was impossible. They did not normally serve in the army, which was mostly recruited from Persians and people like the Armenians with a strong warrior tradition. The despised Aramaean peasants were unlikely to risk their lives to defend their masters.
There is an interesting description of the Persian army at the beginning of the seventh century in the
Strategikon
attributed to the Roman emperor Maurice (582-602). He begins by stressing that the Persians are servile and obey their rulers out of fear, an idea that is also found in the Arabic sources. They are also patriotic and will endure great hardships for their fatherland. In warfare they prefer an orderly approach to a brave and impulsive one. They prefer to encamp in fortifications and ‘when the time for battle draws near, they surround themselves with a ditch and a sharpened palissade’. When facing lancers they like to choose broken terrain and use their bows so that the enemy charge will be broken up. They also like to postpone battle, especially if they know that their opponents are ready to fight. They are disturbed when attacked by carefully drawn-up formations of infantry and they do not themselves make use of spears and shields. Charging against them is effective because ‘they are prompted to rapid flight and do not know how to wheel suddenly against their attackers as the [nomad] Scythians do’. They are also vulnerable to attacks on the flanks and from the rear and unexpected night attacks are effective ‘because they pitch their tents indiscriminately and without order inside their fortifications’.
7
The description is interesting because it fits well with the narrative accounts of battles that we have from Arabic sources, notably the emphasis on fortifications and defensive warfare and generally playing safe. These conservative tactics may have put the Persians at a grave disadvantage against the more mobile, adventurous Arabs.
Strategikon
attributed to the Roman emperor Maurice (582-602). He begins by stressing that the Persians are servile and obey their rulers out of fear, an idea that is also found in the Arabic sources. They are also patriotic and will endure great hardships for their fatherland. In warfare they prefer an orderly approach to a brave and impulsive one. They prefer to encamp in fortifications and ‘when the time for battle draws near, they surround themselves with a ditch and a sharpened palissade’. When facing lancers they like to choose broken terrain and use their bows so that the enemy charge will be broken up. They also like to postpone battle, especially if they know that their opponents are ready to fight. They are disturbed when attacked by carefully drawn-up formations of infantry and they do not themselves make use of spears and shields. Charging against them is effective because ‘they are prompted to rapid flight and do not know how to wheel suddenly against their attackers as the [nomad] Scythians do’. They are also vulnerable to attacks on the flanks and from the rear and unexpected night attacks are effective ‘because they pitch their tents indiscriminately and without order inside their fortifications’.
7
The description is interesting because it fits well with the narrative accounts of battles that we have from Arabic sources, notably the emphasis on fortifications and defensive warfare and generally playing safe. These conservative tactics may have put the Persians at a grave disadvantage against the more mobile, adventurous Arabs.
The great war between the Byzantines and the Persians which had so damaged the Roman Empire in the first three decades of the seventh century had also been a disaster for the Sasanians.
8
At first Persian arms had been almost entirely successful. In 615 the Persian army had reached the Bosphorus opposite Constantinople, and in 619 Persian troops entered Alexandria and completed the conquest of Egypt. The tide began to turn in March 624 when the emperor Heraclius took his fleet to the Black Sea and began the invasion of Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Persians were now outflanked and were forced to withdraw their army from Anatolia to face the emperor, who was now attacking from the north. In 627 he swept through north-western Iran, before descending to the plains of northern Iraq and defeating the Persian army at Nineveh (12 December 627). It was the greatest military disaster that the Sasanian Empire had ever suffered. Chosroes retired to the capital at Ctesiphon, leaving his palace at Dastgard to be sacked by the Romans. Here he began the search for scapegoats to blame for the spectacular reversal of fortunes that had occurred. He seems to have decided on the execution of his most important military commander, Shahrbarāz, but before he could act there was a coup. Chosroes was assassinated early in 628 and his son, who had agreed to his father’s murder, ascended the throne as Kavād II.
8
At first Persian arms had been almost entirely successful. In 615 the Persian army had reached the Bosphorus opposite Constantinople, and in 619 Persian troops entered Alexandria and completed the conquest of Egypt. The tide began to turn in March 624 when the emperor Heraclius took his fleet to the Black Sea and began the invasion of Armenia and Azerbaijan. The Persians were now outflanked and were forced to withdraw their army from Anatolia to face the emperor, who was now attacking from the north. In 627 he swept through north-western Iran, before descending to the plains of northern Iraq and defeating the Persian army at Nineveh (12 December 627). It was the greatest military disaster that the Sasanian Empire had ever suffered. Chosroes retired to the capital at Ctesiphon, leaving his palace at Dastgard to be sacked by the Romans. Here he began the search for scapegoats to blame for the spectacular reversal of fortunes that had occurred. He seems to have decided on the execution of his most important military commander, Shahrbarāz, but before he could act there was a coup. Chosroes was assassinated early in 628 and his son, who had agreed to his father’s murder, ascended the throne as Kavād II.
Kavād immediately set about negotiating a peace with Heraclius in which all prisoners were to be released and the pre-war frontiers restored. And all might yet have been well had the new king not died within the year, probably of the plague. He was succeeded by his infant son, Ardashīr III, but the general, Shāhrbarāz, refused to accept this and in June 629 seized the throne. This was the first time in four centuries that a man who was not a member of the Sasanian family had tried to take the throne, and there was considerable resistance. After just two months, he, too, was murdered and, since Chosroes II had left no other sons, the throne passed to his daughter, Būrān, who, although apparently an effective ruler, died, of natural causes, after a year. There then followed a bewildering succession of short-lived rulers until finally Yazdgard III, a grandson of the great Chosroes, was elevated to the throne in 632.
The details of these intrigues are not in themselves important. The overall effect was decisive, however. The Sasanian Empire had been ravaged by an invading army and any idea of its invincibility had been destroyed. Archaeological evidence suggests that many settlements in the richest part of Iraq were abandoned as a result of the war.
9
Furthermore the house of Sasan, the mainstay and
raison d’être
of the state, had been torn apart by feud and murder. It is more than likely that Yazdgard, if he had been given time, would have restored royal control and prestige. But the year of his accession was the year of the death of the Prophet Muhammad: Arab tribes were already taking advantage of the chaos to make inroads on the settled lands of Iraq, and Khālid b. al-Walīd, the Muslim general, was on his way. In these circumstances, it is surprising not that the Persians were defeated by the Arabs but that they fought with such determination.
9
Furthermore the house of Sasan, the mainstay and
raison d’être
of the state, had been torn apart by feud and murder. It is more than likely that Yazdgard, if he had been given time, would have restored royal control and prestige. But the year of his accession was the year of the death of the Prophet Muhammad: Arab tribes were already taking advantage of the chaos to make inroads on the settled lands of Iraq, and Khālid b. al-Walīd, the Muslim general, was on his way. In these circumstances, it is surprising not that the Persians were defeated by the Arabs but that they fought with such determination.
In many places the border between the irrigated lands and the desert is clear and precise: you can virtually stand with one foot on either side of this environmental frontier. But the frontier was no barrier to human movement and communication. The Arab tribes that roamed the desert areas along the west bank of the Euphrates had a long tradition of interaction with the settled, mostly Aramaic-speaking inhabitants of the Sawād.
10
These might be peaceful - the exchange of the meat and skins that the Bedouin produced for the grain, wine and fine textiles of the settled lands. Or they could be more violent, with nomads demanding and extorting taxes, using their mobility and their military skills to terrorize the villagers. Some nomads also took military service with the Sasanian government, or, more simply, accepted subsidies from the authorities for not using their military power against the settled people.
10
These might be peaceful - the exchange of the meat and skins that the Bedouin produced for the grain, wine and fine textiles of the settled lands. Or they could be more violent, with nomads demanding and extorting taxes, using their mobility and their military skills to terrorize the villagers. Some nomads also took military service with the Sasanian government, or, more simply, accepted subsidies from the authorities for not using their military power against the settled people.
One such tribe were the Banū Shaybān, who seem to have been concentrated in the desert lands east of the old Arab town of Hīra. Some of the shaikhs of the tribe had palaces in the city. Like many tribes the Banū Shaybān were far from united and different lineages competed to assert their leadership. At the time of the death of the Prophet, the old leaders were being challenged by an upstart, called Muthannā b. Hāritha, from a minor branch of the tribe. Muthannā was trying to make his reputation by leading anyone who would follow him in raids on the settled lands; by establishing himself as a successful collector of booty, he could expect to attract supporters who would accept him as a great tribal leader. For some years before the arrival of the first Muslim army in 633 he had been raiding the frontier lands, not settling or conquering but asserting the nomads’ rights to tribute.
Muthannā may not have been a man of deep, or any, religious conviction, but circumstances meant that he became one of the earliest Muslim commanders in Iraq. The dominant clan of the Banū Shaybān had followed the prophetess Sajāh and opposed the Muslim armies in the
ridda
wars. Muthannā could see his chance. When the Muslim armies under Khālid b. al-Walīd approached Iraq, he and his followers joined up with them, while the old leaders of Shaybān opposed them and were marginalized and excluded. Members of the same tribe were both the earliest supporters of the Muslims in the conquest of Iraq and their fiercest enemies. Tribal politics interacted with religious motivation in diverse and complex ways and Muslim leaders often took advantage of local rivalries to attract new supporters to the cause.
ridda
wars. Muthannā could see his chance. When the Muslim armies under Khālid b. al-Walīd approached Iraq, he and his followers joined up with them, while the old leaders of Shaybān opposed them and were marginalized and excluded. Members of the same tribe were both the earliest supporters of the Muslims in the conquest of Iraq and their fiercest enemies. Tribal politics interacted with religious motivation in diverse and complex ways and Muslim leaders often took advantage of local rivalries to attract new supporters to the cause.
Khālid b. al-Walīd, Meccan aristocrat and supremely competent military commander, had been led to the borderlands of Iraq as a natural continuation of his work in subduing the
ridda
in north-eastern Arabia. From the time of the Prophet’s death, it had been the policy of Medina that all Arab nomads should be subject to Muslim rule and the tribes of the Euphrates area were to be no exception.
ridda
in north-eastern Arabia. From the time of the Prophet’s death, it had been the policy of Medina that all Arab nomads should be subject to Muslim rule and the tribes of the Euphrates area were to be no exception.
Khālid probably arrived at the frontiers of Iraq in the spring or early summer of 633.
11
The Muslim force he brought with him was small enough, perhaps around a thousand men,
12
but they were a well-led and disciplined group. He seems to have roamed along the frontier, no doubt mopping up any resistance he encountered among the Bedouin and defeating the Persian garrisons of the frontier forts.
13
He then reached the ancient city of Hīra. Hīra was a fairly small city - one later Arab source estimated the population at 6,000 males,
14
say 30,000 overall. It was not a compact town and there is no indication that it was ever walled; rather it was an extended settlement, where Arab chiefs lived in fortified palaces scattered among the palm trees.
11
The Muslim force he brought with him was small enough, perhaps around a thousand men,
12
but they were a well-led and disciplined group. He seems to have roamed along the frontier, no doubt mopping up any resistance he encountered among the Bedouin and defeating the Persian garrisons of the frontier forts.
13
He then reached the ancient city of Hīra. Hīra was a fairly small city - one later Arab source estimated the population at 6,000 males,
14
say 30,000 overall. It was not a compact town and there is no indication that it was ever walled; rather it was an extended settlement, where Arab chiefs lived in fortified palaces scattered among the palm trees.
One such palace was excavated in 1931 by an expedition from Oxford.
15
The building was surrounded by a wall of fired brick and was on two storeys, the lower of which incorporated windowless cellars. In the interior, which was constructed in mud-brick, there was a courtyard surrounded by rooms. The excavators uncovered a number of stucco decorative panels with patterns on them, either abstract or vegetable, suggesting that the inhabitants lived in some style. Most of the population of the town were Arabs, many with family connections with the Bedouin in the nearby desert. Many of these Arabs were also Christian and there were famous monasteries and churches in among the houses. It was the seat of a Nestorian bishopric. The excavators discovered the remains of two basilica-planned churches built of brick, for, as in most of Mesopotamia, there was no good building stone available. The interiors were plastered and decorated with religious paintings, only small fragments of which survive.
15
The building was surrounded by a wall of fired brick and was on two storeys, the lower of which incorporated windowless cellars. In the interior, which was constructed in mud-brick, there was a courtyard surrounded by rooms. The excavators uncovered a number of stucco decorative panels with patterns on them, either abstract or vegetable, suggesting that the inhabitants lived in some style. Most of the population of the town were Arabs, many with family connections with the Bedouin in the nearby desert. Many of these Arabs were also Christian and there were famous monasteries and churches in among the houses. It was the seat of a Nestorian bishopric. The excavators discovered the remains of two basilica-planned churches built of brick, for, as in most of Mesopotamia, there was no good building stone available. The interiors were plastered and decorated with religious paintings, only small fragments of which survive.
Little fighting was necessary to persuade the inhabitants to make terms; the Arab notables fortified themselves in their palaces and peered over the battlements while the Muslim troops roamed the open spaces between them.
16
Then negotiations were opened. The Arab notables were ready to make peace in return for a tribute and promises that neither their churches (
bay
c
a)
or palaces (
qusr)
should be harmed.
17
The tribute collected was the first that was ever sent from Iraq to Medina: it was just the beginning of a waterfall of wealth which was to flow from the Sawād to the capitals of the caliphs: Medina, Damascus and later Baghdad.
16
Then negotiations were opened. The Arab notables were ready to make peace in return for a tribute and promises that neither their churches (
bay
c
a)
or palaces (
qusr)
should be harmed.
17
The tribute collected was the first that was ever sent from Iraq to Medina: it was just the beginning of a waterfall of wealth which was to flow from the Sawād to the capitals of the caliphs: Medina, Damascus and later Baghdad.
Khālid did not rest with the conquest of Hīra but moved on north to Anbār, another Arab town on the borders of the desert, and then west to the oasis town of Ain Tamr (Spring of the Dates). In each of these he encountered resistance, from Persian troops but also from the local Arabs, many of whom, like the people of Hīra, were Christian.
Many prisoners are said to have been taken in these early raids. As usual they were kept as slaves for a while, often being obliged to do hard manual labour; we are told of one man forced to become a gravedigger. Many of them were later freed, becoming
mawli
(non- Arab Muslims) of Arab tribes and entering the Muslim community as full members. Among those said to have been taken prisoner at this time was Nusayr, whose son Mūsā b. Nusayr was to lead the Muslim conquest of Spain in 712.
18
This was typical of the way in which the Muslims won over many of the people they conquered and incorporated them into their military forces to make further conquests.
mawli
(non- Arab Muslims) of Arab tribes and entering the Muslim community as full members. Among those said to have been taken prisoner at this time was Nusayr, whose son Mūsā b. Nusayr was to lead the Muslim conquest of Spain in 712.
18
This was typical of the way in which the Muslims won over many of the people they conquered and incorporated them into their military forces to make further conquests.
So far Khālid’s attacks on Iraq had been little more than unfinished business from the
ridda
. His objective was to secure the allegiance of the Arab tribes to the Muslim government in Medina. The defeats of the Persian frontier forces and the tribute taken confirmed his credibility as a military leader. As yet, he had not penetrated far into the settled lands, nor had he encountered the full might of the Persian army. He was never to do so because orders arrived from the caliph Abū Bakr in Medina that he should lead a force across the desert to aid the Muslim conquest of Syria, where resistance was proving unexpectedly strong: at this stage, Syria still had priority over Iraq among the Muslim leadership. He seems to have obeyed instantly.
ridda
. His objective was to secure the allegiance of the Arab tribes to the Muslim government in Medina. The defeats of the Persian frontier forces and the tribute taken confirmed his credibility as a military leader. As yet, he had not penetrated far into the settled lands, nor had he encountered the full might of the Persian army. He was never to do so because orders arrived from the caliph Abū Bakr in Medina that he should lead a force across the desert to aid the Muslim conquest of Syria, where resistance was proving unexpectedly strong: at this stage, Syria still had priority over Iraq among the Muslim leadership. He seems to have obeyed instantly.
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