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Authors: W. Cleon Skousen

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It is significant that Communist theory treats the proletariat as though it were a unique branch of the human race. The proletariat is assumed to be a special breed which would almost automatically blossom into pleasant, efficient social-economic living if it could just be liberated from oppressive government. The government is presumed to be nothing more than the tool of an oppressive class of capitalists and consequently, if the capitalist class were destroyed, the need for any kind of government would be obliterated. The Communist leaders have always felt confident that when the proletariat takes over it will not want to oppress anyone and therefore the need for government will be nonexistent.

 

It is also worthy of note that Lenin wanted the proletariat to be an "armed people." This prospect did not frighten Lenin at all. He had unmitigated confidence that the members of the proletariat would never abuse their power as the capitalists had done. Furthermore, Lenin assumed that the proletariat had the instinctive capacity to recognize justice on sight. Not only would they use their weapons to put down any nonsocial acts in the community by spontaneous "mass action," but Lenin believed they would genuinely and heroically suppress any selfish, nonsocial tendencies in themselves. They would have acquired the "habit" of living in a communal social order and would have grown "accustomed to observing the elementary conditions of social existence without force and without subjection."

 

Lenin then says that with the machinery of government gone and with the Communist pattern of a classless, stateless society established throughout the world, finally "it becomes possible to speak of freedom!"
26

 

____________________

1. Marx-Engels, Communist Manifesto, p. 39.
 
2. Marx-Engels, Communist Manifesto, p. 35.
 
3. Karl Marx, Poverty of Philosophy, p. 152.
 
4. N. Berdyaev, Vital Realities, p. 175.
 
5. Karl Marx, Contribution to Critique of Political Economy, p. 11.
 
6. Friedrich Engels, Socialism -- Utopian and Scientific, p. 54.
 
7. Marx-Engels, Communist Manifesto, p. 12.
 
8. See Friedrich Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State.
 
9. Friedrich Engels, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, p. 206.
 
10. Selected Essays of Marx, p. 16.
 
11. Program of the Communist International, International Publishers, New York, 1936, p. 54.
 
12. E. Yaroslavsky, Religion in the USSR, p. 59.
 
13. Joseph Stalin, Leninism, Vol. 1, p. 387.
 
14. V.I. Lenin, Religion, pp. 47-48.
 
15. V.I. Lenin, Religion, p. 47.
 
16. Friedrich Engels, quoted in the Handbook of Marxism, p. 249.
 
17. William Z. Foster, Syndicalism, p. 9.
 
18. Quoted from Problems of Leninism, by Joseph Stalin, pp. 16-17.
 
19. Karl Marx, The Civil War In France, p. 80.
 
20. Program of the Communist International, pp. 34-35.
 
21. Quoted from the Neue Rheinische Zeitung, by J.E. LeRossignol in From Marx To Stalin, p. 231.
 
22. Joseph Stalin, Problems of Leninism, pp. 26-27.
 
23. V.I. Lenin, Imperialism: The State and Revolution, p. 187.
 
24. V.I. Lenin, Imperialism: The State and Revolution, p. 759.
 
25. E. Burns, Handbook of Marxism, p. 747.
 
26. E. Burns, Handbook of Marxism, p. 745.
 

 

 
Chapter Four
A Brief Critique of the Communist Approach to World Problems
 

The modern student of history and economics will have little difficulty discovering for himself where Communist theory departs from the most elementary aspects of reality.

 

Disciples of Marx look upon the theories of Communism as the most penetrating analysis of history ever made by man, but many scholars look upon the whole Communist framework as more or less the product of the times in which Marx and Engels lived. The writings of these men clearly reflect a studied attempt to reconcile the five great influences of their generation, which they tried to bring together in one single pattern of thought. The influences which left their mark on the minds of Marx and Engels were:

 

First,
the violent economic upheaval of their day
. This is believed to have made Marx and Engels over-sensitive to the place of economics in history.

 

Second,
the widespread popularity of the German philosopher, Georg Wilhelm Hegel
. His theory of "Dialectics" was adopted by Marx and Engels with slight modification to explain all phenomena of nature, the class struggle and the inevitable triumph of a future proletariat society.

 

Third,
the anti-religious cynicism of Nineteenth Century Materialism
. This led them to try to explain everything in existence in terms of one single factor -- matter. They denied intelligent design in the universe, the existence of God, the divinity of religion and the moral precepts of Judaic-Christian teachings.

 

Fourth,
the social and economic ideals of Utopian Communism
. Marx and Engels decided they wanted a communal society, but they felt it had to be a controlled society; they therefore abandoned the brotherhood principle of the Utopians and declared that Communism could only be initiated under a powerful dictatorship.

 

Fifth,
the revolutionary spirit of the Anarchists
. Marx and Engels promised two things which appealed to the Anarchists -- the use of violent revolution to overthrow existing powers, and eventually the creation of a classless, stateless society.

 

It is because of these five important influences that the student of Communism will find it to be a vast conglomerate, designed; it would seem, to be all things to all people.

 
Communism as a By-Product of the Industrial Revolution
 

Marx and Engels were born in the midst of the Industrial Revolution. Before this revolution four out of every five citizens were farmers, but by the time Marx and Engels were ready for college the mass migration of farmers to the industrial centers was reaching the proportions of a flood tide. The resulting concentration of the population created slum-ridden cities which, in turn, contributed to disease, violence and vice. It was a chain-reaction which grew out of the amazing new machine-age. Pioneers of the Industrial Revolution looked upon machines as the pounding, pumping, inanimate monsters that would eventually liberate mankind from the slavery of "bare-subsistence" economics, but the negative critics saw in them only the problems they created -- dislocation of the population, maladjustment for the individual, the family and the community, and finally, the inhuman treatment of the men, women and children who served industry.

 

Thus, Marx and Engels, like many others, felt a violent reaction to the times in which they lived. Because it was a period of economic upheaval, perhaps it is understandable that they should have reached the conclusion that economic forces constitute the cruel and ruthless iron hand which has guided the course of all human history. It is at this point that we begin our critique of Communist theory.

 
The Communist Interpretation of History
 

Fallacy 1
-- The first fallacy of Communism is its attempt to over-simplify history. Marx and Engels attempted to change history from a fluid stream, fed by human activities from millions of tributaries, into a fixed, undeviating, pre-determined course of progress which could be charted in the past and predicted for the future on the basis of a single, simple criterion -- economics. Obviously economics have played a vital and powerful role in human history but so have climate, topography, access to oceans and inland waterways, mechanical inventions, scientific discoveries, national and racial affinities, filial affection, religion, desire for explanatory adventure, sentiments of loyalty, patriotism and a multitude of other factors.

 

A number of modern Communists have admitted that history is molded by all of these different influences, but they have insisted that Marx and Engels intended to include all of them in their Economic Determinism; because all of these things directly or indirectly affect the economic life of humanity. However, the writings of Marx and Engels fail to reflect any such interpretation. Even if they did, the modern Marxist would still be in difficulty because if Economic Determinism is intended to include every influence in life then the Communist formula for interpreting history would be: "Everything determines everything." As a basis for interpreting history this would be absurd.

 

Another group of modern Communists has tried to extricate Marx and Engels from the narrow confines of Economic Determinism by suggesting that economic circumstances do not absolutely determine the course of human history but merely condition men to follow after a particular trend in social development.
1
But this, of course, while coming closer to the truth, presumes a variable element of free will in the making of history which Marx and Engels emphatically denied. In fact, Economic Determinism in the absolute, fixed and undeviating sense is the very foundation for the prediction of Marx and Engels that society must follow an inevitable course of development from capitalism to socialism and from socialism to Communism. This is what they meant when they said of capitalism: "Its fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable."
2

 

Furthermore, when any modern Marxist attempts to argue that the course of human progress is not fixed and inevitable he destroys the entire justification for the Communist Revolution -- that violent upheaval which Marx said was the "one way of simplifying, shortening, concentrating the death agony of the old society."
3
There is no excuse for the use of lethal violence to concentrate and simplify the death of the old society unless the death of that society is, in fact, inevitable. That was the heart of Marx's argument. His excuse for revolution falters if it is admitted that the death of the old society is merely one of several possibilities and not necessarily inevitable. Likewise, his excuse is exploded if it is shown that the present society is not dying at all but is actually more robust than ever before and seems to be contributing more to the welfare of mankind with each passing generation.

 

So the Communist interpretation of history on the basis of Economic Determinism turns out to be a weak and brittle reed even in the hands of its defenders. The disciples of Marx have recognized its weaknesses and tried to patch it up but the patches have only created new splinters in the already frail, dry straws of Communist logic.

 

Fallacy 2
-- Marx and Engels not only over-simplified history, but they relied on a second fallacy in order to justify the first. They said that the human mind is incapable of moral free will in the sense that it makes a choice in directing the course of history. Marx and Engels believed that material circumstances force the human mind to move in a certain direction and that man does not have the free will to resist it.

 

This sounds like the teachings of the Nineteenth Century Mechanistic Materialists who claimed that the brain is somewhat like a passive wax tablet which receives impressions from the outside world and then responds automatically to them; but Marx and Engels did not want to be identified with this school of thought. They therefore said the run-of-the-mill materialists had made a mistake. The brain is not passive like a wax tablet but is an active embodiment which not only receives impressions from the outside world but has the ability to digest those impressions through a process of analysis and synthesis. Then came the joker.

 

They declared that after the brain has digested its impressions of the outside world it always decides to do
whatever is necessary for the preservation of the individual in the light of material circumstances
. In their own subtle way they were simply saying that man is the victim of his material environment. By a slightly different line of thinking they had reached exactly the same conclusions as the mechanistic materialists whom they had repudiated.

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