The Soccer War (21 page)

What silence emanates from countries with overflowing prisons! In Somoza’s Nicaragua—silence; in Duvalier’s Haiti—silence. Each dictator makes a calculated effort to maintain the ideal state of silence, even though somebody is
continually trying to violate it! How many victims of silence there are, and at what cost! Silence has its laws and its demands. Silence demands that concentration camps be built in uninhabited areas. Silence demands an enormous police apparatus with an army of informers. Silence demands that its enemies disappear suddenly and without a trace. Silence prefers that no voice—of complaint or protest or indignation—disturb its calm. And where such a voice is heard, silence strikes with all its might to restore the
status quo ante
—the state of silence.

Silence has the capacity of spreading, which is why we use expressions like ‘silence reigned everywhere,’ or ‘a universal silence fell.’ Silence has the capacity to take on weight, so that we can speak of ‘an oppressive silence’ in the same way we would speak of a heavy solid or liquid.

The word ‘silence’ most often joins words like ‘funereal’ (‘funereal silence’), ‘battle’ (‘the silence after battle’) and ‘dungeon’ (‘as silent as a dungeon’). These are not accidental associations.

Today one hears about noise pollution, but silence pollution is worse. Noise pollution affects the nerves; silence pollution is a matter of human lives. No one defends the maker of a loud noise, whereas those who establish silence in their own states are protected by an apparatus of repression. That is why the battle against silence is so difficult.

It would be interesting to research the media systems of the world to see how many service information and how many service silence and quiet. Is there more of what is said or of what is not said? One could calculate the number of people working in the publicity industry. What if you could calculate the number of people working in the silence industry? Which number would be greater?

BLACK
. In the Congo, in Stanleyville, there is an old barracks in a side-street that looks something like a smalltown fire station. Every Sunday a Kimbangist service is held there. When you walk into the dark interior you feel you have entered the Pechorska Lavra in Kiev because the holy faces in the old icons in old orthodox churches are dark or even, some say, Negro. In the Kimbangist churches the divine faces in the paintings are also black, Negro. The Kimbangists believe that Jesus came into the world as a Negro. So their prophet, Simon Kimbangu, taught them. Kimbangu was born among the Bakong tribe at the ehd of the last century. On 18 March 1921, he had a vision. He began wandering around the Congo and teaching. He said that he had been sent by God to raise the dead, multiply the loaves and fishes and save the world—that world of jungle and savannah. But God was not white. He was black. The whites had stolen God and for that they would suffer eternal damnation and everlasting torment. This teaching was revolutionary. Kimbangu said: ‘Don’t listen to Caesar: heed the Word of the Lord!’ Kimbangu spoke the language of the Bible because that was all he knew, and his whole programme was served up in an exalted messianic phraseology. At the end of 1921 the Belgians arrested the prophet and sentenced him to death, a sentence which was then commuted to life imprisonment. The persecution of the Kimbangists began. But the stronger the repression, the stronger the movement became. Simon the Prophet had a little church in the jungle. At its opening, he had brought in a bowl of paint. The paint was black. Divine images had hung in the church, and Simon the Prophet went from picture to picture staining the immobile faces of the saints. He changed the bright colours of their foreheads and rosy cheeks, thickened the lips and kinked the hair. When he was finished, the saints had become black, in the image of
Simon and his faithful. That was the first revolutionary gesture in the Congo: smearing pictures with a paintbrush.

SPIRITS
. In Africa, many people are still sceptical about the effectiveness of firearms. Every report that someone has been shot to death is received with incredulity. In the first place, no one has ever seen a bullet in flight, so how can it be proved that somebody died because somebody else fired a rifle? Second, there are always methods for reversing the trajectory of a bullet. Various kinds of ju-ju, for instance, are more impervious than steel armour. The former premier of western Nigeria, Chief Akintola, was executed not against a wall, in the usual manner of a firing squad, but in the middle of a large veranda, because his executioners knew that Akintola’s ju-ju would have made him impregnable against bullets if he ever managed to touch a wall. Europeans were shocked by reports from the Congo about the desecration of corpses. These were not, as some alleged, acts of sadism. That act of destroying the corpse results from the conviction that a human being consists of not only a body but also the spirits that fill it. Many white people believe in a body and a soul, but their faith in one soul is merely a primitive simplification of a complicated feature of human existence: in reality a person’s body is filled by many spirits proper to the various parts of the human organism. It would be naive to believe that this complicated world of spirits, alive in the recesses of the human body, can be liquidated by a single bullet. The body is only one element in a person’s death: full death occurs only after the spirits have been destroyed or expelled, and they are expelled in the same way that air is expelled from a balloon: by pricking it. Hence the necessity of destroying the corpse, particularly if the corpse belonged to an enemy whose spirits can later avenge him. There is no cruelty in this—for someone who is forced to fight against the
dangerous and omnipresent world of spirits, which may be invisible but are hot on the heels of the living, it is simply self-defence.

HIERARCHY
. In Accra, in the buildings of the ministries, the hierarchy of position corresponds to the hierarchy of floors. The higher the personage, the higher the floor. This is because there is a breeze higher up, while down below the air is static, petrified. The petty officials are stifling on the ground floor; the department directors are starting to feel a draught: and at the very top the minister is cooled by that wished-for breeze.

LOCKED UP
. Why do guerrillas kidnap diplomats?

The answer is in the context of the Latin American political prisoner’s situation. Namely: Whoever protests or fights against the regime is locked up in prison.

The prisoner is not accused of anything. Since he has not been accused, there can be no trial. Since there can be no trial, there is also no verdict. And thus there is no proper sentence. There is no prosecutor, no defence counsel, no appeal, no amnesty. There is no testimony, no indictment, nothing. A witness can be found guilty; the guilty can become innocent, except that this is impossible as there is no court to find anyone not guilty. The situation of the prisoner can be reduced to a simple formula: why is he in prison? Because he has been locked up.

He might be released in a year or in ten years, or he might never be released. Many of these prisoners are let out when the president who locks them up leaves office. Every president has his own prisoners, and their fate is tied to his. A new figure moves into the president’s office, and new prisoners fill the cells. That is why certain groups of people—his personal enemies—regularly emigrate with each accession to office of a new president. Otherwise they know
they will end up behind bars. Such liberal conditions obtain only in those Latin American countries that have some form of democracy; in the countries ruled by dictators the prisoner has no hope of regaining his freedom or of staying alive.

Take the case of Guatemala. Someone is locked up and tortured. If he survives the torture, he is thrown into prison. There is another series of tortures and an epilogue: a corpse is found in a ditch.

There is no way to defend or rescue a prisoner legally. The law does not extend to him. Liberating a prisoner by force is in fact impossible: the political prisons of Guatemala are located on barracks grounds, and one prisoner is guarded by dozens of armed soldiers, tanks, cannons.

Only one method remains: to kidnap an enemy and exchange him for the prisoner. The action is not carried out haphazardly; they do not kidnap the first person they come across. The target is established after long deliberation, after discussion.

FORTRESS
. This is an imposing building, erected in Accra at a cost of over twenty million dollars (at a time when it was hard to buy bread in the city) for the sole purpose of hosting a four-day meeting of African leaders in 1966. After the conference the structure was locked up and now stands empty, falling into disrepair. In the tropics, an unused building turns into a ruin in a few years.

The idea of putting up this edifice, called State House, was Nkrumah’s. The architects drew up plans—aimed at creating a building that would combine the height of monumentality with blinding modernity and maximum security. They realized their intentions. State House is gigantic. It stands twelve storeys high. Its annexes contain an enormous meeting hall and an enormous reception hall,
and the main building is divided into sixty suites. Each chief of state and each foreign minister has one suite, and each suite consists of ten rooms, with two bathrooms, foyer, etc. The suites are furnished in the most refined splendour.

Even more striking is the security system. Once inside, you find yourself protected by a wall wherever you go, wherever you stand. It is laid out on the model of the toy called the ‘Russian grandmother’. In the biggest grandmother there nests a smaller one, and inside the smaller one an even smaller one, and so on. This is the same. Behind the first wall there is a second wall, and behind the second wall a third wall, and in the middle is the suite. In this way, the leaders are protected against attack. Hand weapons would do nothing. A bullet would ricochet off the walls, as would light and medium artillery and mortars up to 160mm. Nothing less than naval artillery or mass aerial bombing could make a dent in the fortress of State House. But such an eventuality was also provided for. Below State House are massive underground shelters with passageways connecting to the rest of the building. The shelters have electricity, lighting, running water, ventilation, etc. Here the leaders are safe even from bombs.

Unless somebody dropped an A-bomb.

In recognition of the fact that sieges can drag on, sufficient food supplies are furnished so that the leaders could not be starved out. In the right wing of State House there is an enormous refrigerated chamber in which enough food to last several months can be stored. Supplies of medicine, water and drinks are also stockpiled. State House has two independent energy sources (a power station and its own generators), as well as independent telephone cables connecting it to important world capitals.

One hardly need add that State House has its own pool, its own cafés, bars and restaurants, its own printing press,
central air conditioning, a post office and television. A system has also been devised to protect it against an attack from within, in case of some fifth column uprising, and, in anticipation of this the corridors are neither straight nor interconnected, but winding, broken up, ellipsoidal, descending, zigzag, semi-circular, curved. In this way no attacker could ever take in a whole floor in his sights because a victim would need only to jump around the corner to be safe.

For security reasons it is forbidden to photograph State House, either close-up or from a distance and, if you did, the police would lock you up. Nor is it permitted to stop in front of State House and look at it for long: your papers would be checked and you would be chased away.

STATE VISIT
. In 1862, during his expedition in search of the source of the Nile, Speke reached Uganda, where he visited the Baganda king, Mutesa. Alan Moorehead writes:

LIFE
. The dictatorship of General Abbuda in the Sudan lasted six years. His regime fell on 21 October 1964. It was a harsh but superficial regime, with no mass support. Someone I met in Khartoum told me what happened after 21 October:

Yet I have not written a dictionary or a book because whenever I start, taking a deep breath and crossing myself as if getting ready to jump into deep water, a red light starts blinking on the map—the signal that at some point on this overcrowded, restless, and quarrelsome globe, something is again happening, the earth quivering, staggering, because this relentless current, this stream of events—it is so difficult to step out of it on to a calm shore—keeps rushing and hurtling by, pulling me under.

The editor-in-chief of
Kultura
, Dominik Horodynski, telephones to say that there is money and I can go to the Middle East (the Arab-Israeli war is on; it is late 1973). A
few months later the Turks occupy half of Cyprus, on which island a worthy person will smuggle me in his car from the Greek to the Turkish side. I am returning from Cyprus when Janusz Roszkowski, the head of the Polish Press Agency, tells me that it is the last moment to try to get to Angola. I have to hurry before Luanda becomes a closed city. It will be five minutes to twelve when the Portuguese air force lifts me out of Lisbon on board a military transport.