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Authors: William M. Osborn

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Ten years later Jefferson commented that in all the orations of Demosthenes and Cicero, there was not a single passage superior to Chief Logan’s speech.
253

In 1834, a Tennessee weekly reported a story about a grieving Indian woman who spoke over the graves of her husband and child. She lamented that

the father of Life and Light has taken from me the apple of my eye, and the core of my heart, and hid him in these two graves. I will moisten the one with my tears, and the other with the milk of my breast, till I meet them in that country where the sun never sets.
254

One of the most memorable moments of Indian eloquence is undoubtedly the October 5,1877, speech of Nez Perce
*
chief Joseph. General Oliver Howard ordered the tribe to move from Oregon to Idaho. Joseph and his younger brother, Ollikut, agreed to the moving, but before the tribe left, some young members of the tribe who had been drinking killed 18 or 19 settlers, and it was decided they would head instead for Canada. In the last battle at Bear Paw, Joseph’s young daughter became frightened and fled from the others. Joseph decided to surrender. The interpreter wept as he translated Joseph’s words, which were recorded by the general’s aide:

Tell General Howard I know his heart. What he told me before, in Idaho, I have it in my heart. I am tired of fighting…. My people ask me for food, and I have none to give. It is cold, and we have no blankets, no wood. My people are starving to death. Where is my little daughter? I do not know. Perhaps, even now, she is freezing to death. Hear me, my chiefs. I have fought; but from where the sun now stands, Joseph will fight no more forever.
256

The cause was lost. Brother Ollikut was dead, but his daughter was found and brought back to him.

General Howard had promised Chief Joseph that he could return to the Wallowa Valley in Oregon where he had lived, but the government refused to honor Howard’s promise. When Joseph died, one of the general’s aides commented, “I think that in his long career, Joseph cannot accuse the Government of the United States of one single act of justice.”
257
Not all the eloquence was Indian eloquence.

T
HEFT WAS
a characteristic of the Indians that repelled and angered the settlers. The intrusion of the settlers into Indian territory “exposed them to practices such as horse thefts … [which] outraged the intruders’ sense of morality and were opposed and ended by force and violence.” Alexander Whitaker, a minister from Henrico, Virginia, wrote in 1613 that Indians “esteem it a virtue to lie, deceive and steale as their master the divell teacheth to them.”
258
Indians did not consider theft a crime, according to George Catlin, but instead called it “capturing … considering it a kind of retaliation or summary justice.”
259

The Sioux loved horses, and although wild herds were available to them, they “preferred to steal horses already broken to riding.” The western Indians stole horses from the Spanish, the French, and the English. They stole horses from other tribes. Clark Wissler wrote that “all of the Plains Indians taught their youth that one of the most laudable acts was to steal the horse of a stranger. An Indian brought up under such a regime would be troubled by a guilty conscience if he passed a chance to steal a horse.” This was the principal cause of friction between them and the settlers.
260
Most Comanche raids were for horses. If scalps were taken, the raid was all the more successful, “but the taking of human life was ordinarily a secondary matter.” In
The Comanche Barrier to South Plains Settlement
, Rupert Norval Richardson related how Chief Is-sa-keep stated that his 4 sons were a great comfort to him because “they could steal more horses than any other young men in the tribe.”
261

In 1804, Lewis and Clark Expedition sergeant John Ordway wrote in his journal around the campfire that the Sioux would sing and “confess how many horses they had Stole.”
262
Indian thefts from the expedition were frequent. In December of that year, the Sioux stole 2 horse-drawn sleighs and a horse.
263
But in December 1805, the situation was reversed. When the expedition was getting ready to leave the Pacific to return to the East, Lewis desperately needed a canoe. The Clatsop Indians would not sell him one for what he considered a reasonable price, so the expedition took matters into their own hands. Ordway reported how 4 men went “over to the prarie
[sic]
near the coast” and took a canoe “as we were in want of it.”
264
Six days later, just as the party was starting back east, an Indian guide claimed the canoe was his, so Lewis bought it from him for an elk skin.
265

As they entered Chinook country in April 1806, a series of new thefts began. First, the Indians tried to steal a piece of lead and a tomahawk, and did steal Lewis’s dog, Seaman, an ax, an iron socket, a saddle, and a robe. Lewis ordered 3 soldiers to follow the Indians who had stolen the dog and recover it, which they did. Lewis was fed up. He later wrote that the Chinook were “the greatest thieves and scoundrels we have met with.” He told a group of Indians who were hanging about the camp that “if they made any further attempts to steal our property or insult our men we should put them to instant death.”
266

In July 1806, 7 of the party’s 17 horses were stolen, so Lewis sent the renowned woodsman George Drouillard, whose father was a French Canadian and whose mother was a Shawnee, to try to find them. He tracked them to where they crossed the Dearborn River, but gave up
because the thieves had a 2-day head start.
267
Lewis, Drouillard, and 2 others then took a side expedition along the Marias River. They came upon about 8 Blackfoot Indians, whom they approached. After some tense moments, Lewis asked them to camp with him that night, and they agreed. The next morning at dawn, one Indian stole a soldier’s rifle, and another stole Lewis’s as well. The Indians were chased, and a soldier, Reubin Fields, stabbed to death an Indian who would not give the rifles up.

In the meantime, the main party of Blackfeet was trying to steal the party’s horses. Lewis gave chase. An Indian with a British musket turned toward Lewis; Lewis (who was an expert marksman) fired, hitting the Indian in the stomach. The Indian raised himself to his knee and shot, coming so close that Lewis could hear “the wind of his bullet.” Only 4 of the party’s stolen horses were recovered, so Lewis stole 4 Indian horses to replace them.
268

S. L. A. Marshall saw this stealing by the Plains Indians as part of their culture:

It was no more possible for Indians to keep their hands off of a carelessly guarded horse corral or a vulnerable herd of cattle than it was for the white man to abandon the rule that private property was sacred. The Indian knew no law against raiding. Horse stealing or the running off of someone else’s beeves was to his mind an achievement, a stroke to his credit, a coup.
269

Harold E. Driver estimated that “a hundred times as many horses were stolen on the Plains as were obtained in legitimate trade.”
270
Helen Hunt Jackson guessed that in 1860 the Sioux had stolen more than half the horses the Poncas owned. The Poncas moved down the Niobrara River to try to get away from the Sioux.
271

In 1855, Nelson Lee
*
was captured by the Comanche together with 20 other men while driving some mules and cattle to California. Only 4 of them lived. Lee was held as a slave and a medicine man for 3 years. The first thing the Indians did after the attack, he said, “was to collect the plunder. Not only did they gather up all our buffalo skins, blankets, rifles and revolvers, culinary utensils, and the like, but the dead were stripped to the last shred, and everything was tied on the backs of their mules. Nothing was left behind.”
273

The paths of George Crook,
*
who fought Indians most of his professional life, and Apache leader Geronimo crossed more than once. Dee Brown reported that Geronimo led a raid into Mexico to steal cattle in May 1883. General Crook caught up with the Indians. They surrendered, but Crook allowed them to keep their weapons “because I am not afraid of you.” Geronimo told Crook he would need several months to round up all his people before returning to Arizona. Crook agreed. Eight months later, Geronimo returned from Mexico, according to his cousin, Jason Betzinez, who was on the trip, “driving along with him a large herd of cattle which he had stolen from the Mexicans.” Crook took the cattle away from Geronimo, had them sold, and sent the proceeds of $1,762.50 to the Mexican government with the request it divide the money among the owners.
275

I
T SEEMS
generally agreed that it was and is characteristic of the Indians that many have difficulty avoiding intoxication. There is disagreement about whether Indians had intoxicants before the settlers came, but most commentators believe that some form of liquor was made and used by the Indians early on. The Indians in Mexico had 40 distinct alcoholic beverages. There are several early references to American Indians drinking tiswin beer, which was made from corn.
276
Southwest Indians made wine from cacti. Southeast Indians made a persimmon wine. Papagos and Pima Indians believed the ingestion of liquor would cause it to rain.
277

Seneca mystic Handsome Lake, who was once an alcoholic, reported on the return of a 1789 Indian trading expedition:

Now that the party is home the men revel in strong drink and are very quarrelsome. Because of this the families become frightened and move away for safety. So from many places in the bushlands camp fires send up their smoke.

Now the drunken men run yelling through the village and there is no one there except the drunken men. Now they are beastlike and run about without clothing and all have weapons to injure those whom they meet.

Now there are no doors in the houses for they have all been kicked
off. So, also, there are no fires in the village and have not been for many days.
278

In 1796 a government Iroquois agent wrote in understated fashion that “they have reed their payments and immediately expended it for liquor & in the course of a frollick have killed one or two.”
279

Fur trader Alexander Henry stayed with the Indians from 1800 to 1807 at a small trading post. His journal notes that during that time there were 77 gatherings of Indians for drinking purposes, during which there were 65 injuries ranging from death to minor wounds. “Love of liquor is the ruling passion, and when intoxicated they will commit any crime to obtain more drink.”
280

John Gannt built a trading post on the Arkansas River in Colorado in 1832, when he introduced the Plains Indians to hard liquor. According to Duane Schultz, “The Indians clamored for more, trading nearly all their possessions for the drink—valuable furs and skins, armloads of blankets, horses and weapons, even their clothing, and then their wives and children.”
281

The devastating effects of liquor on Indians have been described many times. Wilcomb E. Washburn reported that

no evidence is more voluminous than that detailing Indian drunkenness. Whatever the area, whatever the time, report after report expressed the surprise of whites at the ardent desire of Indians to acquire “strong waters,” and, having obtained them, their proclivity to total inebriation, often followed by injury or death to themselves or to their fellow tribesmen.
282

Whole villages, including women and children, fell into chronic alcoholism. Health deteriorated, and social cohesion inevitably dissolved.
283
Superintendent of the Indian Trade Thomas L. McKenney left a graphic description of the Indian addiction:

No one who has not witnessed it, can conceive the sacrifices an Indian will make for whiskey; how far he will travel, laden with the returns of his winter’s hunts; how little he foresees, or regards the consequences to himself, or any body else, of his indulgence in this final poison. The awakening from his delirious dream, and finding his furs and peltries gone, and in their places a few worthless articles, unsuited in quality or quantity to screen himself and his family from the winter’s cold, may distress him, and kindle his revenge for the time being, but it is forgotten
whenever a new occasion happens in which he can indulge the same excess!
284

The detrimental consequences of alcohol on the Indians were even worse than might at first be expected. Alan Axelrod pointed out the remarkable speed with which the Indians degenerated in the early 1800s. He said, “The Miamis, for example, a numerous and proud people in the eighteenth century, had become a diseased, drunken group of 1,000 by 1810.”
285
Lazarus was writing about the Sioux when he observed the following, but he could have been speaking about most tribes:

The Indians craved the traders’ brew—usually well-watered, loaded with molasses, pepper, tobacco juice, even gunpowder—but they had no tolerance for it. Many a drunken Indian lost the fruits of his winter hunt when a sober frontiersman tricked him out of his goods. Nor was poverty the only result. Alcohol made the Indians violent, so violent that many traders added sedatives to their drinks. These drugs were not always available and drunken homicide became commonplace in the Indian camps. Other Sioux simply passed out on the way home and froze to death on the prairie tundra.
286

The Comanche captive Nelson Lee reported the following after watching the chief during a night of the “usual”:

An Indian’s dignity, whether chief or subject, never rises to that elevated degree which prevents his getting drunk every opportunity that offers. The sedate old chief became beastly intoxicated—forgot his customary decorum—vainly attempted to be funny—danced out of place—and whooped when there was no occasion for it—in fact, was as boisterous and silly as about half a gallon of bad Mexican whiskey could make him.
287

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