Ultimatum (13 page)

At 6 pm all television channels of the BBC and ITV – and all radio channels of the BBC – interrupted their services to put out a newsflash. It announced that the Prime Minister would address the Nation at 8 pm on a matter of grave importance. It was followed by five minutes of patriotic music, a circumstance which reminded older listeners of the prelude to Mr Chamberlain’s announcement of the
declaration
of war against Hitler’s Germany in 1939.

At 6.30 and 7.30 pm, television and radio stations again interrupted their services to remind listeners that the Prime Minister would speak to the Nation at 8 pm. This
announcement
, like its predecessor, was followed by excerpts from patriotic and martial music. These included
Land
of
Hope
and
Glory
and
Colonel
Bogey
which evoked in many listeners recollections of the Last Night of the Proms and the Bridge Over the River Kwai which was not quite what was intended.

At 8 pm the Prime Minister, looking unusually drawn and strained, appeared on television to address the Nation.

‘I have to speak to you tonight,’ he said, ‘about a matter of the utmost gravity. Before doing so I want to stress the importance of calm and reason, particularly on the part of those who live in London. At an emergency meeting of the Cabinet today I was asked to assure you that the
Government
will take all and every step necessary to ensure that the peril which threatens will not occur. Of that you may have no doubt. It will not, I repeat, be allowed to occur. That is an absolute undertaking and one which I must ask you to keep in the forefront of your mind as I speak. This morning I received, as did the Ambassador of the United States, an ultimatum from a Palestinian terrorist group, the Soukour-al-Sahra’. The ultimatum was addressed to the
British Government as the former mandatory power for Palestine. It claims that a nuclear warhead has been placed somewhere in London and that it will be detonated within seventy-two hours, as from noon today, unless the
Governments
of the United Kingdom and the United States accede to its terms. The hard core of these is dealt with in the following words. I read:
All
Palestinian
territory
seized
by
Israel
in
1948
in
excess
of
the
United
Nations
resolution
of
the
29th
November,
1947,
for
the
partition
of
Palestine,
together
with
those
parts
of
Palestine
not
occupied
by
Israel
before
196
7
,
notably
on
the
west
bank
of
the
Jordan
and
in
the
Gaza
Strip
and
Jerusalem,
to
be
assigned
forthwith
to
the
people
of
Palestine.

‘That is the ultimatum’s basic demand. It contains a number of other terms and conditions of a harsh and implacable nature. Since these will be published in all British newspapers tomorrow, and broadcast over the country’s television and radio networks several times during the day, I will refrain from dealing with them now.

‘My purpose tonight is to assure you that there is no need for panic, no cause to interrupt or vary the routine of your normal lives. Indeed, to do so can only add to the grave difficulties already confronting us. The important – I believe the decisive – contribution each of you can make is to behave as if the threat had never existed. Let “business as usual” be your watchword over the next few days.

‘I can assure you that the Government is taking most vigorous and energetic steps to deal with the situation. I am in constant touch by hot-line with the President of the United States and the Heads of Governments in France, Germany and other friendly and concerned powers.

‘At its meeting today the Cabinet appointed an ad hoc Committee consisting of the Home, Foreign and Defence Secretaries, the Chief of the General Staff, the heads of the Security Services, the Special Branch, Scotland Yard and the Metropolitan Police, together with representatives of the GLC and Port of London Authority. That Committee, over which I shall preside, has been given full power to act and will remain in constant session until such time as the
threat has been removed. We will of course report to the Cabinet at frequent intervals.

‘It is possible that this is a bluff, that there is no nuclear warhead in London. But we are proceeding on the
assumption
that it is not a bluff, and I give you once more the Government’s unequivocal assurance that before the expiry of the seventy-two hour deadline the threat to London will have been removed.

‘For obvious reasons I cannot at this stage explain to you how this will be done, but I ask you to accept my assurance, given with knowledge of all the facts, that it will be done.’

Richard Baker’s face appeared on the television screen. ‘And that concludes the Prime Minister’s address to the Nation.’ He said it in much the manner he would have used to announce the programme of a forthcoming Proms concert. ‘At eight-thirty,’ he continued, ‘the ultimatum will be the subject of …’

‘Switch off,’ interrupted Ascher. ‘Give me that transcript of the Mocal tape.’

Ruth Meyer went to the desk and began to sort through a heap of papers. ‘How can he guarantee anything?’ she said. ‘He hasn’t a clue where it is.’

Ascher was pacing up and down the living room of the small apartment near the Vauxhall Bridge, arms clasped across his chest, shaggy head bowed. ‘Because he’s a
politician
. Got to reassure the people. Of course he doesn’t know where it is. That’s not the point. What he does know is what he’s going to do. That message came through loud and clear. All that spiel about “unequivocal assurances” and “absolute undertakings”.’

‘You mean?’ She looked up from the desk.

‘The British Government’s going to accept the ultimatum. For God’s sake! He couldn’t have made it more obvious. Britain’s not going to shed any tears for Israel. This nuke threat is just what they want. Now they can say they had to play ball with the Arabs. Maybe the Brits and the Yanks
laid it on with the Arabs. In exchange for oil concessions. Like the French supplying Pluton.’

‘Oh, Shalom. It couldn’t be like that.’

‘Couldn’t it hell. You tell that to President Thieu and what used to be the Saigon Government. Israel can no more depend on the US and UK than South Vietnam could. Their promises and alliances don’t mean a goddam thing. Oil’s the only thing that means anything now. Got that transcript? I’m in a hurry.’

She came over, gave it to him and he saw that her hand was trembling. He squeezed it for a moment. ‘Don’t worry. We’ll find the nuke. Then we’ll handle things our way.’

He sat cross-legged on the corner of the studio couch, reading through the transcript. At the finish he said, ‘It all ties up.’ There was an unusual light in his eyes, a sort of wildness, but he didn’t sound excited. He never did. ‘The “contract”
was
an ultimatum, Ruth. Not the one we thought. All that double-talk wasn’t about an attack on the Israeli Embassy. It was to do with what we’ve just heard. That Mocal bunch aren’t El Fatah or the PFLP or George Habash’s MPF or Hawatemeh’s PDF. No wonder we couldn’t identify them. They’re Ka’ed’s group …
Soukour-al
-Sahra’. God! That lot over here.’ He got up, shaking his head as if to shuffle his thoughts, and began pacing again. He was a heavy man and the floor of the old apartment creaked and groaned with his weight.

She stood in front of him, hands on hips, eyes bright with danger. ‘It’s not there, is it? In Spender Street?’

‘No. No.’ He waved the transcript at her. ‘Remember what Souref said.’ Ascher began reading aloud: ‘
But
think
of
Rudi
and
Ahmad.
At
least
we
don’t
have
to
deliver
the
goods.’
He stared at her. ‘Rudi and Ahmad have the warhead.’

‘Deliver the goods where?’

‘Who knows. Could be
idiom
for having to be with the warhead – seeing the job through. Could mean physical delivery to a specified place. They knew there’d be a search, so maybe they keep the nuke out of Central London until they need it.’

He looked at the transcript again. ‘Listen to this.’ He read:
‘HAMADEH:
Easily
said.
It’s
impossible, 
Zeid.
Too
much
to
think
about.
Difficult
to
sleep
on
the
edge
of
a
volcano.’
Ascher laughed dryly. ‘It’s a volcano all right.’

She stood on her toes leaning over his shoulder. ‘Why did Zeid say:
How
would
you
like
to
try
sleeping
in
Palace
Green
tonight.
He means this very night?’

Ascher looked at her reproachfully. ‘Think! He’s talking of the Israeli Embassy. Up there right now at this minute they’ve just heard the British Prime Minister tell the world about the ultimatum. Do you think they’re going to sleep easily tonight, knowing what that means to Israel?’

‘I see.’ She hunched her shoulders. ‘Sorry. I thought there was some deeper meaning to it.’

‘My God. That’s deep enough, isn’t it?’

‘What are you going to do?’

Ascher put the transcript into a back pocket of his jeans, took a duffel coat from the back of the door, handed another to her. ‘We’re going to the Embassy as fast as we can. I’ll phone from the call-box outside the laundrette.’

There were five of them, including the Ambassador, in his study at Palace Green. Ascher, Ruth Meyer, Ezra Barlov – who’d flown from Holy Loch that evening – and his assistant, Michael Kagan. They’d been talking for a long time: dissecting, analysing, arguing about the Mocal tape and the terms of the ultimatum. What lay behind them. Was there connivance by Britain and the United States? Through all these discussions messengers moved discreetly between the communications section, the cypher room and the
Ambassador’
s study, bringing in and taking away teleprinter and radio tapes – high speed transmissions,
computer-scrambled
, two-way traffic between Israel and the Embassy. Some of the messages were exchanges between the London Embassy and the Prime Minister and Foreign Secretary in Jerusalem, but most were with Israeli Intelligence HQ in Tel Aviv.

The Ambassador finished reading the latest tape from Jakob Kahn. ‘Listen to this, Ascher,’ he said, and they could tell from his voice that he was pleased. ‘Jakob says he’s just got agreement to the proposition that we keep what we know to ourselves for the time being. He repeats the words
time
being
.’

Ascher said, ‘Great. So we don’t tell Number Ten or the Special Branch what we know about Mocal and the tape.’

‘We don’t tell anyone on this side. Not yet at any rate,’ said the Ambassador. ‘All right with you, Barlov?’

Barlov nodded. ‘Suits me. I like it that way.’

‘So do I,’ said Ascher. ‘The Brits could ball this one up. We don’t bargain with terrorists.’

Barlov laughed. ‘Don’t be too contemptuous about terrorists. We were pretty good at that ourselves once.’

‘That’s different.’ Ascher was poker-faced.

‘It’s always different when it’s your cause,’ said the Ambassador. ‘I don’t suppose historians will see any
significant
difference.’ The Ambassador had taken an honours degree in History at Oxford and it was still very much in his blood. Somewhere a clock chimed midnight. He echoed their thoughts. ‘Sixty hours to the deadline.’ His voice was sepulchral.

A messenger came in with another tape. ‘From General Kahn, sir.’ The Ambassador took it and she glided away. He read it, frowned, then smiled. ‘Listen to this:
Ascher
must
continue
to
keep
Mocal
premises
under
closest
visual
and
audio
surveillance
since
reference
oblique
or
otherwise
to
whereabouts
nuke
probable
now
ultimatum
is
out.
If
location
warhead
becomes
known
take
every
precaution
against
pre-detonation
and
inform
me
instantly.
While
we
acknowledge
pre-detonation
risk
exists
we
believe
it
to
be
over-estimated.
Warheads
not
easily
come
by.
If
detonation
should
take
place
on
expiry
time
limit
or
otherwise
objective
of
ultimatum
would
be
defeated
and
future
attempts
with
that
warhead
along
similar
lines
aborted.
This
constitutes
major
psychological
advantage
our
side
.’

They discussed that message for some time and were still on it when another came in from Kahn. Once again the
Ambassador read it aloud:
‘Ruth
Meyer
to
fly
Tel
Aviv
0715
El
Al
tomorrow
Tuesday
with
relevant
tapes,
photos
and
other
material
assist
identification 
Zeid
and
report
fully
on
situation
your
end.
Hope
return
her
London
Wednesday
latest.’