Read A Cold Day in Hell Online
Authors: Terry C. Johnston
It comes as no surprise to me, therefore, that history is indeed often a study of converging, diverging, then reconverging currents.
Another interesting footnote to our story is that Red Shirt—one of the seven Lakota scouts who located the Cheyenne village, and one of the two who remained behind to watch for signs of discovery—later joined Buffalo Bill Cody’s wild west show when it sailed across the ocean to England, performing before her Majesty, Queen Victoria.
Because of the cold gloom of that night, because of the cold fog settling in the valley, Red Shirt and the other scouts never got a count of lodges to report so that Mackenzie would know just exactly what he was facing at the moment of attack. Indeed, there has persisted a minor dispute as to the number of lodges in the village. A few accounts state 175 lodges. Lieutenant John Bourke himself states there were 205 lodges, while later in his own account he states there were 200. Another contemporary account,
this time by Lieutenant Homer Wheeler, states there were 205 lodges. In
Son of the Morning Star
Evan Connell’s arduous research states there were “more than two hundred lodges.” But in the end I have chosen to go with the number given by Luther North in his record, since Mackenzie himself sent the North brothers to get him an official count: 173.
So now we have the village in place, and they know the soldiers are coming (despite the erroneous statement Cyrus Townsend Brady makes in
Indian Fights and Fighters
, when he writes: “The sleeping Indians in the camp had not the slightest suspicion that the enemy was within a hundred miles[!]”).
Why didn’t the Cheyenne move? Or if they had determined they were going to fight, why not prepare to withstand the assault, as some of the chiefs suggested before they were bullied and shouted down by Last Bull and his Kit Fox Society?
Likely those will remain unanswered questions until the end of time.
It is almost certain that if Last Bull and the other war chief’s had worked together to prepare for the attack, the outcome might well have been dramatically different. Why did they choose not to set up an ambush somewhere near the narrow east gap where the weary, cold soldiers were most vulnerable on their played-out horses that terribly cold night? Another question for which I have no answer.
For the longest time the army believed that they had surprised the Dull Knife village—but the testimony of the Cheyenne participants in later years bring ruin to that myth. Young Two Moon and the others knew not only that the soldiers were coming, but knew they were being led by their friends from the Red Cloud Agency—Lakota and Cheyenne both!
How was it that Last Bull was able to cow the chiefs in that village, as well as the protectors and priests of the Cheyenne peoples’ two great medicines: the Sacred Hat and the Sacred Arrows? How could those chiefs ignore the power of Box Elder’s prophetic vision, when the man had been right time after time before?
Perhaps some clue comes to us in the interclan relationships within the
Ohmeseheso
in that year of 1876. Clearly, sometime in that spring Last Bull’s Kit Fox Society had gained the ascendancy over all other warrior societies among the Northern Cheyenne. Sherry Smith calls them “not only arrogant but even overbearing.” They were known among their own people as “Wife Stealers,”
often called the “Beating-Up Soldiers.” They plainly had most everyone else afraid.
Everyone, except the rival Elk Scrapers Society.
During the previous February the rivalry between the two warrior groups had reached a peak when Last Bull had warned of the proximity of soldiers, but was ignored, even scorned by the Elk Scrapers. Days later when a group of Elk Scraper hunters came in with news of soldiers in the area, their reports were believed. This wound to his pride would fester for nine moons until the new emergency in the Big Freezing Moon allowed him to seize control from those less ruthless than he.
Among the Northern Cheyenne, Last Bull is still strongly blamed for the disaster. He was later deposed as leader of his society. In those years to come during his final days on the reservations, Last Bull chose instead to live with the nearby Crow. Some say the Northern Cheyenne military societies “ran him off.” As a result, his son, Fred Last Bull, grew up speaking Crow in Montana.
Needless to say, Last Bull’s adolescent bravado in the Big Freezing Moon of 1876 cost his people everything.
So when it came time for the cavalry to gallop across the broken ground of the valley, the Northern Cheyenne weren’t ready. Yet some thirty or forty warriors valiantly hurried into the deep ravine and waited for Lieutenant John A. McKinney’s troopers to come charging into point-blank range. But here is where I run up against one of those historical inconsistencies in a trifling detail that just nettles the hell out of me!
There’s a problem in the campaign literature in regard to what company McKinney led in his fateful charge that cold day.
In his carefully researched biography on Mackenzie, Charles M. Robinson states that McKinney rode at the head of
A
Troop.
But the confusion deepens. Second Lieutenant Harrison G. Otis, who was there to assist with holding McKinney’s men when they were being shot to pieces (and who would later take over command of McKinney’s company) is listed on the military rosters as being in
?
Troop. In my list of characters, I’ve arbitrarily placed Otis as second in command in McKinney’s M.
Next we have another esteemed biography of Mackenzie in which the author, Michael D. Pierce, relates that McKinney did in fact lead
M
Troop into action that day.
No less than John Bourke himself states for the record that
McKinney led M Troop toward its fateful encounter at the deep ravine.
So, like Pierce and author Fred Werner, I’ll throw my weight behind the contemporary source, an army officer and adjutant who is accustomed to paying attention to such details.
A most fitting memorial to this fallen officer was the establishment of Fort McKinney in 1877 near the present-day town of Buffalo, Wyoming, after the army abandoned Reno Cantonment.
It never fails. In every battle I have written about in this dramatic and tragic struggle so far, there are Indian and soldier combatants who rise above the rest in the heat of conflict, throwing their bodies into the line of fire, heedless of personal danger as they pull a dead or wounded comrade out of harm’s way, or stand over a fallen comrade as the enemy charges in. And such action never fails to bring tears to my eyes, or my heart to my throat.
Time and again in this battle Cheyenne warriors rode out alone to draw soldier fire that would allow women and children to escape up the narrow canyon and on to the breastworks. Men like Yellow Eagle, who escorted the old and the infirm to safety. Men like Little Wolf, who was wounded six times that day guarding the mouth of the escape ravine. Men like Long Jaw, who repeatedly drew bullets to himself so that the shamans would be better protected. The powerful mystics: Black Hairy Dog; Coal Bear; Box Elder.
And then there was Sergeant Thomas M. Forsyth who, although wounded, stayed with the body of his company commander, the dying John A. McKinney. More than any other officer, noncoms such as he were the “bone and the sinew” of the frontier army.
Forsyth’s bravery in the face of overwhelming odds and almost sure defeat did not go unnoticed. Five days after the battle Lieutenant Harrison Otis, now in command of M Troop, went to Mackenzie to personally recommend Forsyth (along with Sergeant Frank Murray and Corporal William J. Linn) for honorable mention. Private Thomas Ryan, who of his own volition stood at Forsyth’s side over McKinney’s bullet-riddled body, was eventually awarded a Certificate of Merit, an honor reserved for privates who had distinguished themselves in combat.
While Mackenzie did approve Forsyth’s promotion to regimental sergeant major the following summer, it was not until the end of the great Indian wars that the old, white-headed sergeant finally received what he had been long deserving.
Nearing the end of his career, Forsyth wrote to Captain J. H. Dorst, former adjutant to the deceased Mackenzie, discussing the propriety of his applying for a Certificate of Merit himself at that late date after going a decade and a half without any sort of recognition. Congress had just recently passed a law that would allow noncommissioned officers to receive the award previously reserved for privates. Ever a modest, but highly sentimental, man, the sergeant wrote Dorst:
I would like to leave my children something besides my name when I answer the last roll-call and anything that could bear testimony to bravery and gallantry on the part of their father in action, would be the best and noblest remembrance, that a soldier’s children could have.
It should go without saying that Dorst was extremely moved. So moved that the captain went one step further: he began the laborious process of approving the old sergeant for the Congressional Medal of Honor.
Only months before that day when Forsyth stood ramrod straight on the parade at Fort Leavenworth, Kansas, Sitting Bull had been killed by his own police. Within two weeks of that murder Big Foot’s Miniconjou had been slaughtered by the remnants of Custer’s Seventh Cavalry at Wounded Knee. Finally, late in 1891, the Medal of Honor was approved for his heroic, selfless action that horribly cold day in the valley of the Red Fork Canyon some fifteen years before.
Sergeant Thomas H. Forsyth stood in the last rays of sunset before the assembled troops and officers, there among his wife Lizzie and what they called their “tribe” of five children, as this nation’s highest award for bravery was placed around his neck.
He had offered his life to protect a fellow soldier, and now in the final days of his long army career, Thomas H. Forsyth had finally given his children an intangible inheritance no soldier’s pension could ever match.
There are other small glimpses of bravery that history has penciled in the margins from this tragic campaign. The lone Indian scout wounded in the fight, that Shoshone named Anzi, sought to ride like a warrior as long as he could, although suffering greatly (having been shot through the abdomen). He remained in the post hospital at Reno Cantonment for nearly three weeks, then with two companions rode back home to Chief
Washakie’s Wind River Reservation—more than two hundred miles away. John Bourke saw Anzi the following year at the time of the Nez Perce war.
“[Anzi] was still living,” Bourke wrote, “although by no means, so his friends told me, the man he had been before being so terribly wounded.”
A year or so after that, other Shoshone reported that Anzi was shot on a horse-stealing raid.
Captain John M. Hamilton led his troops in to rescue the remnants of McKinney’s butchered men. An extremely courageous soldier, he himself would not fall in battle until July 1, 1898, when as the lieutenant colonel of the First Cavalry, a bullet found him as he was leading his men in a charge up the side of San Juan Hill.
In our story we have mentioned that Sergeant James H. McClellan was credited with having killed the warrior named Bull Head in close-quarters combat in that struggle Wessels’s company had of it near the head of the deep ravine where McKinney’s men were ambushed. In our story of the battle, we also recount the tale of McClellan taking from the body a cartridge belt bearing a buckle engraved with the name Little Wolf. Because Bull Head for some reason had grabbed up Little Wolf’s pistol and cartridge belt at the moment of attack, it was long believed by the soldiers that they had indeed killed the Sweet Medicine Chief of the Cheyenne. Just another piece of circumstantial evidence that history allows us to chuckle over after the fact.
As you have learned in our story, there were many items pulled from the lodges that caused a great deal of anger among Mackenzie’s troops, just as there had been when souvenirs from the Custer battle dead were found among the lodges of American Horse’s Miniconjou after the day-long fight at Slim Buttes, a tale we told you in Volume Ten,
Trumpet on the Land
. But perhaps no better than here in the Cheyenne village was the severity of the Custer disaster brought home as both the number and variety of personal items began to mount on the blankets where the soldiers piled those ghostly relics.
Clearly one of the most interesting of these is the roster book, the sort taken into the field, this one carried by First Sergeant Alexander Brown, G Troop, Seventh Cavalry, commanded by Lieutenant Donald Mcintosh, into the valley of the Little Bighorn. The roster was started on 19 April 1876 at which time the troop was leaving Louisiana, ordered back to Fort Abraham Lincoln for the summer campaign.
Its next-to-last entry is quite prophetic:
McEgan lost his carbine on the march while on duty with pack train, June 24, 1876.
From summer into fall, across the next five months, the pages in that roster book were filled with pictures by High Bear, its new owner, a warrior who was himself killed in the Dull Knife battle. One of the pages shows High Bear lancing a soldier clearly wearing the chevrons of a sergeant major. In the months and years to come, the officers who examined the warrior’s crude drawing, and its chronological placement among his career of those coups depicted within the book, later came to believe High Bear was the one who killed Sergeant Major Walter Kennedy, the man who attempted to ride for help once Major Joel H. Elliott’s company was completely surrounded during the Seventh Cavalry’s attack on Black Kettle’s camp along the Washita in 1868.
*
I am in hopes of receiving permission to reproduce in this novel a page from Lieutenant Donald Mcintosh’s memoranda book so that the reader can see where the lieutenant has listed the “best shots” in his company, starting with Sergeant Brown himself. Unlike the Brown roster book, which is in private custody, Mcintosh’s was for a long time displayed at the little Bighorn Battlefield Visitor Center, complete with its single bullet hole perforating the entire book. Then some two years ago it was stolen, its protective case ripped from the wall. Only recently has the thief admitted that he burned this priceless, dramatic relic. What a senseless tragedy! At times I would like to believe the thief merely told federal prosecutors that it was destroyed, and that it has really been sold to some wealthy collector who, like far too many others, hasn’t the slightest desire to share his or her precious relics with the rest of us.