Afloat and Ashore (50 page)

It was still early, when the proas were near enough to commence
serious operations. This they did, by a nearly simultaneous discharge
of about a dozen guns, principally sixes, that they carried mounted in
their bows. The shot came whistling in among our spars and rigging,
literally from every direction, and three struck, though they were not
of a size to do any serious injury. Our people were at quarters,
having managed to man both batteries, though it left scarcely any one
to look after the braces and rigging, and none but the officers with
small-arms.

Mr. Merton must have felt that he and his daughter's liberty, if not
their lives, were in the keeping of a very youthful commander; still,
his military habits of subordination were so strong, he did not
venture even a suggestion. I had my own plan, and was just of an age
to think it derogatory to my rank, to ask advice of any one. The proas
were strongest ahead and on both bows, where they were collecting to
the number of near twenty, evidently with the intention of boarding,
should an opportunity offer; while, astern, and on our quarter, they
were much fewer, and far more scattered. The reason of all this was
apparent by our course, the pirates naturally supposing we should
continue to stand on.

Orders were given to haul up the mainsail and to man the
spanker-brails. The men were taken from the starboard battery,
exclusively, to perform this work. When all was ready, the helm was
put up, and the ship was brought as short round on her heel, as
possible, hauling up, on an easy bowline, on the other tack. In coming
round, we delivered all our larboard guns among the crowd of enemies,
well crammed with grape; and the distance being just right for
scattering, this broadside was not without effect. As soon as braced
up, on the other tack, we opened starboard and larboard, on such of
the chaps as came within range; clearing our way as we went. The
headmost proas all came round in chase; but, being from half a mile to
a mile astern, we had time to open a way out of the circle, and to
drive all the proas who were now ahead of us, to take refuge among the
crowd of their fellows. The manoeuvre was handsomely executed; and, in
twenty minutes we ceased firing, having all our enemies to the
westward of us, and in one group: this was an immense advantage, as it
enabled us to fight with a single broadside, prevented our being
raked, and rendered our own fire more destructive, by exposing to it a
more concentrated, and, at the same time, a larger object. I ought to
have said before, that the wind was at the southward.

The Crisis now tacked, setting the courses and royals. The ship lay
up well, and the proas having collected around their admiral, there
was a prospect of her passing to windward of everything. Six of the
fellows, however, seemed determined to prevent this, by hauling close
on a wind, and attempting to cross our bows, firing as they did
so. The ship stood on, apparently as if to intercept them; when,
finding ourselves near enough, we kept away about three points, and
swept directly down in the very centre of the main body of the
proas. As this was done, the enemy, taken by surprise, cleared a way
for us, and we passed the whole of them, delivering grape and
canister, as fast as we could deal it out. In the height of the
affair, and the thickest of the smoke, three or four of the proas were
seen quite near us, attempting to close; but I did not think it
necessary to call the people from the guns, which were worked with
great quickness, and did heavy execution. I fancy the pirates found it
hotter than they liked, for they did not keep on with us; though our
lofty sails gave us an advantage, and would have enabled us to leave
them, had they pursued a different course. As it was, we were clear of
them, in about five minutes; and the smoke beginning to rise, we soon
got a view of what had been done in that brief space. In order to
increase our distance, however, we still kept away, running pretty
fast through the water.

By the confusion which prevailed among the pirates, the rascals had
been well peppered. One had actually sunk, and five or six were round
the spot, endeavouring to pick up the crew. Three more had suffered in
their spars, and the movements indicated that all had enough. As soon
as satisfied of this, I hauled the ship up to her course, and we
continued to leave the cluster of boats, which remained around the
spot where their consort had gone down. Those of the fellows to
windward, however, did not seem disposed to give it up, but followed
us for two hours, by which time the rest of their flotilla were hull
down. Believing there was now plenty of room, I tacked towards these
persevering gentry, when they went about like tops, and hauled off
sharp on a wind. We tacked once more to our course, and were followed
no further.

The captain of a pepper ship afterwards told me, that our assailants
lost forty-seven men, mostly killed, or died of their hurts, and that
he had understood that the same officer commanded the Crisis that had
commanded the "John," in
her
affair, near the same spot. We had
some rigging cut, a few of our spars slightly injured, and two men
hurt, one of whom happened to be Neb. The man most hurt died before we
reached the Cape, but more from the want of surgical assistance, than
from the original character of his wound. As for Neb, he went to duty
before we reached St. Helena. For my part, I was surprised one of the
proas did not get down his throat, his grin being wide enough, during
the whole affair, to admit of the passage of a two-decker.

We went into the island, as had been agreed, but no ship offering and
none being expected soon, it became necessary for my passengers to
continue on with us to New York. Emily had behaved uncommonly well in
the brush with the pirates, and everybody was glad to keep her in the
ship. The men swore she brought good luck, forgetting that the poor
girl must have met with much ill-luck, in order to be in the situation
in which she was actually placed.

Nothing occurred on the passage from St. Helena to New York, worthy of
being specially recorded. It was rather long, but I cannot say it was
unpleasant. At length our reckoning told us to look out for land. The
Major and Emily were on deck, all expectation, and ere long we heard
the welcome cry. A hazy cloud was just visible on our lee-bow. It grew
more and more dense and distinct, until it showed the hues and furrows
of a mountain-side. The low point of the Hook, and the higher land
beyond, then came in view. We glided past the light, doubled the Spit,
and got into the upper bay, just an hour before the sun of a beautiful
day in June was setting. This was in the year of our Lord 1802.

"Drink! drink! to whom shall we drink?
To a friend or a mistress?—Come, let me think!
To those who are absent or those who are here?
To the dead that we loved, or the living still dear?
Alas! when I look I find none of the last!
The present is barren—let's drink to the past."
PAULDING.

Though strictly a Manhattanese as a sailor, I shall not run into
rhapsody on the subject of the beauties of the inner or outer bay of
this prosperous place. No man but one besotted with provincial conceit
could ever think of comparing the harbour of New York with the Bay of
Naples; nor do I know two places, that have the same great elements of
land and water that are less alike. The harbour of New York is barely
pretty; not a particle more, if quite as much; while the Bay of Naples
is almost what its owners so fondly term it, "a little bit of heaven,
fallen upon earth." On the other hand, however, Naples, as a haven, is
not to be mentioned in the same breath with the great American mart,
which,
as a port
, has no competitor within the circle of my
knowledge, Constantinople alone excepted. I wish my semi-townsmen,
the Manhattanese, could be persuaded of these facts, as, when they
do
brag, as the wisest of mortals sometimes will, they might
brag of their strong, and not of their weak points, as is now too
often the case.

The Major, Emily and myself, stood on the poop, regarding the scene,
as the ship glided onward, before a good south-east breeze. I watched
the countenances of my companions with interest, for I had the
nervousness of a tyro and a provincial, on the subject of the opinions
of the people of other lands, concerning everything that affected my
own. I could see that the Major was not particularly struck; and I
was disappointed,
then
, whatever may be my opinion
now
.
Emily better answered my hopes. Whether the charming girl really felt
the vast contrast between a view of the unbroken expanse of the ocean,
and the scene before her, or was disposed to please her host, she did
not hesitate to express delight. I let her understand how much I was
gratified; and thus our long, long voyage, and that, so far as degrees
of longitude were concerned, nearly embraced the circuit of the earth,
may be said to have terminated with the kindest feelings.

The ship was off Bedlow's, and the pilot had begun to shorten sail,
when a schooner crossed our fore-foot, beating down. I had been too
much occupied with the general movement of the bay, to notice one
small craft; but, this vessel happening to tack quite near us, I could
not but turn my eyes in her direction. At that instant I heard a shout
from Neb, who was furling one of the royals. It was one of those
irrepressible "nigger gollies" that often escaped from the fellow
involuntarily.

"What do you mean by that uproar, on the mizen-royal yard," I called
out angrily—for the
style
of my ship had now become an object
of concern with me. "Keep silence, sir, or I'll find a way to instruct
you in the art."

"Lord!—masser Mile—" cried the negro, pointing eagerly towards the
schooner—"there go Pretty Poll."

It was our old craft sure enough, and I hailed her, incontinently.

"Pretty Polly, ahoy!"

"Halloo!"

"Where are you bound, sir; and when did that schooner get in from the
Pacific?"

"We are bound to Martinique—The Poll got home from the South Seas
about six months since. This is her third voyage to the West Indies,
since."

Here then was the certainty that the cargo sent home, and the letter
with it, were all safe. I must be expected, and the owners would soon
hear of my arrival. We were not kept long in doubt; for, as the ship
entered the Hudson, a boat approached, and in her were two of the
principal members of our firm. I had seen them, and that is all; but
my own letters, and the report of the officer who brought home the
schooner, had told them all about me. Could Nelson, after his victory
of the Nile, have walked into the King of England's private cabinet
with the news of his own success, his reception would not have been
more flattering than that I now received. I was "Captain
Wallingforded" at every sentence; and commendations were so intermixed
with inquiries about the value of the cargo, that I did not know which
to answer first. I was invited to dine the very next day by both the
gentlemen in the same breath; and when I raised some objections
connected with the duty of the ship, the invitations were extended
from day to day, for a week. So very welcome is he who brings us
gold!

We went alongside of a North River wharf, and had everything secure,
just as the sun was setting. The people were then allowed to go ashore
for the night. Not a soul of them asked for a dollar; but the men
walked up the wharf attended by a circle of admiring landlords, that
put them all above want. The sailor who has three years' pay under his
lee, is a sort of Rothschild on Jack's Exchange. All the harpies about
our lads knew that the Crisis and her teas, &c. were hypothecated to
meet their own ten and twenty dollar advances.

I dressed myself hurriedly, and ordered Neb to imitate my example. One
of the owners had kindly volunteered to see Major Merton and Emily to
a suitable residence, with an alacrity that surprised me. But the
influence of England, and Englishmen, in all America, was exceedingly
great forty years since. This was still more true in New York, than in
the country generally; and a half-pay English Major was a species of
nobleman among the better sort of Manhattanese of that day. How many
of these quasi lords have I seen, whose patents of nobility were
merely the commissions of captains and lieutenants, signed by the
Majesty of England! In that day—it is nonsense to deny it—the man
who had served
against
the country, provided he was a "British
officer," was a better man than he who had served in our own
ranks. This was true, however, only as regarded
society;
the
ballot-boxes, and the
people
, giving very different indications of
their sentiments on such subjects. Nor is this result, so far as New
York was concerned, as surprising as, at first sight, it may possibly
appear. Viewed as a class, the gentry of New York took sides with the
crown. It is true, that the portion of this gentry which might almost
be called
baronial
—it was strictly
manorial
—was pretty equally
divided, carrying with them their collaterals; but the larger portions
of this entire class of the elite of society took sides with the
crown; and the peace of '83 found no small part of them in possession
of their old social stations; the confiscations affecting few beyond
the most important, and the richest of the delinquents. I can give an
instance, within my own immediate knowledge, of the sort of justice of
these confiscations. The head of one of the most important of all the
colonial families, was a man of indolent habits, and was much
indisposed to any active pursuits. This gentleman was enormously rich,
and his estates were confiscated and sold. Now this attainted traitor
had a younger brother who was actually serving in the British army in
America, his regiment sharing in the battles of Bunker Hill,
Brandywine, Monmouth, &c. But the Major was a younger son; and, in
virtue of that republican merit, he escaped the consequences of his
adhesion to the service of the crown; and after the revolution, the
cadet returned to his native country, took quiet possession of a
property of no inconsiderable amount, while his senior passed his days
in exile, paying the bitter penalty of being rich in a revolution. It
was a consequence of the peculiarities first mentioned, that the
Manhattanese society set so high a value on English connection. They
still admired, as the provincial only can admire; and they worshipped,
as the provincial worships; or, at a safe distance. The strange medley
of truth, cant, selfishness, sophistry and good faith, that founded
the political hostility to the movements of the French revolution, had
as ardent believers in this country, as it had in England itself; and
this contributed to sustain the sort of feeling I have described. Of
the fact, there can be no doubt, as any one will testify who knew New
York society forty years ago.