Archangel (7 page)

He sat down and laid out his things and in that instant he was a student of twenty-six again, living in a single room in Corpus V of Moscow University; paying 260 roubles a month for a desk, a bed, a chair and a cupboard, taking meals in the basement canteen that was overrun by cockroaches, spending his days in the Lenin and his nights with a girlfriend - with Nadya, or Katya, or Margarita, or Irma. Irma. Now there was a woman. He ran his hand over the scratched surface of the desk and wondered what had become of Irma. Perhaps he should have stuck with her -serious, beautiful Irma, with her samizdat magazines and her basement meetings, making love to the accompaniment of a rattling Gestetner duplicator and afterwards vowing that they would be different, that they would change the world.

Irma. He wondered what she would make of the new Russia. The last he had heard she was a dental assistant in South Wales.

He glanced around the reading room and closed his eyes, trying to keep hold of the past for a minute longer, a fattening and hungover middle-aged historian in a black corduroy suit.

His books arrived at the issuing stack just after eleven, or at any rate four of them did: they had fetched up volume one of Volkogonov rather than volume two and he had to send it back. Still, he had enough. He carried the books back to his desk and gradually he became absorbed in his task, reading, noting and cross-referencing the various eyewitness accounts of Stalin's death. He found, as usual, an aesthetic pleasure in the sheer detective work of research. Secondhand sources and
speculation he discarded. He was only interested in those people who had actually been in the same room as the GenSec and had left behind a description he could match against Rapava's.

By his reckoning there were seven: the Politburo members, Khrushchev and Molotov; Stalin's daughter, Svetlana Alliluyeva; two of Stalin's bodyguards, Rybin and Lozgachev; and two of his medical staff: the physician, Myasnikov, and the recuscitator, a woman named Chesnokova. The other eyewitnesses had either killed themselves (like the bodyguard, Khrustalev, who drank himself to death after watching the autopsy), or had died soon afterwards, or had disappeared.

The accounts all differed in detail but were in essence the same. Stalin had suffered a catastrophic haemorrhage in the left cerebral hemisphere some time when he was alone in his room between 4 a.m. and 10 p.m. on Sunday March 1 1953. Academician Vinogradov, who examined the brain after death, found serious hardening of the cerebral arteries which suggested Stalin had probably been half-crazy for a long while, maybe even years. Nobody could tell what time the stroke had hit. His door had stayed closed all day and his staff had been too scared to enter his room. The bodyguard Lozgachev told the writer Radzinsky that he had been the first to pluck up the courage:

I opened the door. . . and there was the Boss lying on the floor holding up his right hand like this. I was petrified. My hands and legs wouldn't obey me. He had probably not yet lost consciousness but he couldn't speak. He had good hearing, he'd obviously heard me coming, and probably raised his hand slightly to call me
in to help him. I hurried up to him and said 'Comrade Stalin, what's wrong?' He'd - you know - wet himself while he was lying there, and was trying to straighten something with his left hand. I said, 'Shall I call the doctor, maybe?' He made some incoherent noise
–
like
'Dz - dz. . . ,'all he could do was keep on 'dz'-ing.

It was immediately after this that the guards had called in Malenkov. Malenkov had called in Beria. And Beria's order, tantamount to murder by negligence, had been that Stalin was drunk and should be left to sleep it off.

Kelso made a careful note of the passage. Nothing here contradicted Rapava. That didn't prove Rapava was telling the truth, of course - he could have got hold of Lozgachev's testimony for himself, and tailored his story to fit. But it didn't suggest he was lying, either, and certainly the details tallied - the time frame, the order not to call for medical help, the way Stalin had wet himself, the way he would regain consciousness but be unable to speak. This happened at least twice over the three days it took Stalin to die. Once, according to Khrushchev, when the doctors at last brought in by the Politburo were spoon-feeding him soup and weak tea, he had raised his hand and pointed at one of the pictures of children on the wall. The second return to consciousness occurred just before the end and was noted by everyone, especially h
is daughter, Svetlana:

At what seemed like the very last moment he suddenly opened his eyes and cast a glance over everyone in the room. It was a terrible glance, insane or perhaps angry and full of fear of death and the unfamiliar faces of the doctors bent over him. The glance swept over everyone
in a second. Then something incomprehensible and terrible happened that to this day I can't forget and don't understand. He suddenly lifted his left hand as though he were pointing to something up above and bringing down a curse on us all. The gesture was incomprehensible and full of menace, and no one could say to whom or what it might be directed. The next moment, after a final effort, the spirit wrenched itself free of the flesh.

That had been written in 1967. After his heart had stopped, the doctors had ordered the resuscitator, Chesnokova - a strong young woman - to pound at Stalin's chest and blow into his mouth, until Khrushchev had heard the old man
’
s ribs snap and had told her to pack it i
n. N
o one could say to whom or what it might be directed. . .' Kelso underlined the words lightly with his pencil. If Rapava was telling the truth, it was fairly obvious whom Stalin must have been cursing: the man who had stolen the key to his private safe -Lavrenty Beria. Why he should have pointed at a picture of a child was less clear.

Kelso tapped the pencil against his teeth. It was all very circumstantial. He could imagine Adelman's reaction if he tried to offer it as any sort of supporting evidence. The thought ofAdelman made him look at his watch. If he set off now he could be back at the symposium comfortably in time for lunch and there was a good chance they wouldn't even have missed him. He gathered up the books and took them back to the issuing desk, where the second volume of Volkogonov had just arrived.

'Well,' said the librarian, her thin lips crimped with irritation, 'do you want it or not?'

'
Kelso hesitated, almost said no, then decided he might as well finish what he'd started. He handed over the other books
and carried the Volkogonov back into the reading room.

It lay before him on his desk like a dull brown brick. Triyumfi Tragedzjva: politi cheskii portret L V Stalina, Novosti publishers~ Moscow 1989. He had read it when it first came out and hadn't felt the need to look at it since. He regarded it now without enthusiasm, then flicked the cover open with his finger. Volkogonov was a three-star Red Army general with powerful contacts inside the Kremlin, granted special access to the archives under Gorbachev and Yeltsin which he had used to produce a trio of tombstone lives - Stalin, Trotsky, Lenin - each one more revisionist than the last. Kelso picked it up and leafed through it to the index, looked up the relevant entries for Stalin's death - and a moment later there it was, the memory that had been niggling at the back of his mind ever since Papu Rapava disappeared into the Moscow dawn:
A. A. Yepishev, who was at one time deputy Minister of State Security, told me that Stalin kept a black oilskin exercise book in which he would make occasional notes, and that for some time Stalin kept letters from Zinoviev, Kamenev, Bukharin and even Trotsky. All efforts to discover either the notebook or these letters

have failed, and Yepishev did not reveal his source.
Yepishev did not reveal his source but he did, according to Volkogonov, have a theory. He believed that Stalin's private papers had been removed from his Kremlin safe by Lavrenty Beria, while the General Secretary lay paralysed by his stroke.

Beria made a dash for the Kremlin where it is reasonable to assume he cleaned out the safe, removing the Boss's personal papers and with them, one assumes, the black notebook ... Having destroyed Stalin's notebook, if indeed it was there, Beria would have cleared the path to his own ascendancy. Perhaps the truth will never be known, but Yepishev was convinced that Beria cleaned out the safe before the others could get to it.
Now calm yourself, and don't get excited, because this proves nothing, you understand? Nothing whatever.

But it does make it a thousand times more likely
Back outside the entrance to the reading room, Kelso yanked open the narrow wooden drawer and searched through it quickly until he found the index cards to Yepishev, A. A. (1908-85). The old man had written a score of books, of uniform dullness and hackery: History Teaches: The Lessons of the Twentieth Anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War (1965), Ideological Warfare and Military Problems (1974), We
A
re True to the Ideas of the Part
y
(1981)
.
Kelso's hangover had gone, to be replaced by that familiar phase of post-alcoholic euphoria - always, in the past, his most productive time of day - a feeling that alone was enough to make getting drunk worthwhile. He ran down the flight of steps and along the wide and gloomy corridor that led to the Lenin's military section. This was a small and self-contained area, neon-lit, with a subterranean feel to it. A young man in a grey pullover was leaning a
gainst the counter, reading a 1
970s MAD comic.

'What do you have on an army man named Yepishev?' asked Kelso. 'A. A. Yepishev?'

'Who wants to know?'

Kelso handed over his reader's card and the young man examined it with interest.

'Hey, are you the Kelso who wrote that book a few years back on the end of the Party?'

Kelso hesitated - this could go either way - but finally he admitted he was. The young man put down the comic and shook his hand. 'Andrei Efanov. Great book. You really stuffed the bastards. I'll see what we have.'

THERE were two reference books with entries for Yepishev:

the Military Encyclopaedia of the USSR and the Directory of Heroes of the Soviet Union, and both told pretty much the same story, if you knew how to read between the lines, which was that Aleksey Alekseevich Yepishev had been an armour-plated, ocean-going Stalinist of the old school: Komsomol and Party instructor in the twenties and thirties; Red Army Military Academy, 1938; Commissar of the Komintern Factory in Kharkov, 1942; Military Council of the Thirty-Eighth Army of the 1St Ukrainian Front, 1943; Deputy People's Commissar for Medium Machine Building, also
1943 -

'What's a "medium machine",' asked Efanov, who was
peering at the books over Kelso's shoulder. Efanov turned out to have done his military service in Lithuania - two years of hell - and to have been refused admittance to Moscow University in the communist time on the grounds he was a Jew. Now he was taking a huge delight in poking over the dust and ashes of Yepishev's career.

'Cover-name for the Soviet atomic bomb programme, said Kelso. 'Beria's pet project.' Beria. He made a note.

- Secretary of the Central Committee of the Ukrainian Communist Parry, 1946 -

'That was when they purged the Ukraine of collaborators, after the war,' said Efanov. 'A bloody time.'

- First Secretary of the Odessa Regional Party Committee, 1950; Deputy Minister of State Security, 1951 -Deputy Minister...

Each entry was illustrated with the same official photograph of Yepishev. Kelso looked again at the the square jaw, the thick brow, the grim face set above the boxer's neck.

'Oh, he was a big bastard, boy. A fleshy tank...

'Gotcha,' whispered Kelso to himself.

After Stalin's death, Yepishev's career had taken a dive. First he had been sent back to Odessa, then he had been packed off abroad. Ambassador to Romania, 1955-61. Ambassador to Yugoslavia, 1961-62. And then, at last, the long-awaited summons back to Moscow, as Head of the Central Political Department of the Soviet Armed Forces -its ideological commissar - a position he held for the next twenty-three years. And who had served as his deputy? None other than Dmitri Volkogonov, three-star general and future biographer of Josef Stalin.

To extract these small plums of information it was necessary to dig through a great pudding of cliche and jargon, praising Yepishev for his 'important role in shaping the necessary political attitudes and enforcing Marxist- Leninist orthodoxy in the Armed Forces, in strengthening military discipline and fostering ideological readiness'. He had died aged seventy-seven. Volkogonov, Kelso knew, had died ten years later.

The list ofYepishev's honours ancE medals took up the rest of his entry: Hero of the Soviet Union, winner of the Lenin Prize, holder of four Orders of Lenin, the October Revolution Order, four Orders of the Red Banner, two
Orders of the Great Patriotic War (ist class), the Order of the
Red Banner, three Orders of the Red Star, the Order of
Service to the Motherland...

'It's a wonder he could stand up.'

'And I'll bet you he never shot anyone,' sneered Efanov, 'except on his own side. So what's so interesting about Yepishev~ if you don't mind me asking?'

'What's this?' said Kelso suddenly. He pointed to a line at the foot of the column: 'V. P. Mamantov.'