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Authors: Brigitte Hamann

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The Emperor’s reaction to his wife’s sudden death was also less dramatic than the newspapers made it seem. Archduchess Valerie wrote about her reunion with her father immediately after the news of her mother’s death was received. She noted that he had wept. “But even then he did not lose his composure, and he quickly regained the calm he had shown after Rudolf’s death. Together we went to Sunday mass, and then I was allowed to spend this whole first day almost uninterruptedly with him, sitting next to his desk while he worked as usual, reading along with him the more detailed reports arriving from Geneva, helping him to receive the family condolence calls.” And three days later: “He works all day every day as always, himself deciding everything, what is to be done according to traditional ceremonial.” He repeatedly said, “How can you kill a woman who has never hurt anyone.”
70
But no one doubted the words Franz Joseph spoke to his daughter and her husband: “You do not know how much I loved this woman.”
71

On September 15, the body arrived at the Hofburg in Vienna,
surrounded
by all the pomp of the empire. Of course, there was no question of meeting Elisabeth’s wishes to be buried “at the ocean, preferably on Corfu,” any more than Crown Prince Rudolf’s final wish for eternal rest in Heiligenkreuz at Mary’s side was respected. As had been done for Rudolf, Elisabeth was also laid out in the castle chapel, though (unlike Rudolf) in a closed coffin.

Arguments broke out over the body as it lay in state, because a
prominently
displayed coat of arms bore the inscription, “Elisabeth, Empress of Austria.” The protest from Hungary was prompt: Why was “Queen of Hungary” omitted? Was that not the only title Elisabeth had cherished? That same evening, the office of ceremonies ordered the desired addition made. Now there was a protest from Bohemia: Had Elisabeth not also been Queen of Bohemia (though uncrowned)? Then there were very similar complications over the limited amount of seating in the Kapuzinerkirche. Because there were not enough pews to accommodate everyone, the
delegation
of the Hungarian parliament, of all groups, had not been assigned seats and now suspected still another deliberate slight on the part of the Viennese to the Hungarians.

The shock and sorrow felt in Vienna could not compare to the
expressions
of grief for the death of the Crown Prince. Count Erich
Kielmanns-egg:
“Not many tears were shed for her.”
72
The mourning was not for the Empress but for the new blow of fate that had struck the Emperor, now sixty-eight years old. A wave of affection welled up when, on September 14, the Emperor’s proclamation of thanks “To All My Peoples!” was published.

The following weeks brought the ordering of the Empress’s estate. No one, least of all the Emperor, had suspected that the Empress was in possession of a substantial fortune—not counting real estate, more than 10 million guldens, invested in gilt-edged securities. It turned out that “each year, she had invested her annual allowance and pin monies profitably, while the Emperor was made to defray her extravagances.”
73

In her will, Elisabeth disposed of her unexpectedly, even “shockingly large fortune,” as Valerie put it in her diary.
74
She left each of her daughters two-fifths of the whole, with one-fifth going to her
granddaughter
Elisabeth (Rudolf’s daughter).

In addition to the large money gifts Elisabeth had made to Valerie during the Empress’s lifetime, Valerie was now also favored over her older sister, Gisela. She received a preliminary bequest of a million guldens as well as the Hermes Villa, while Gisela had to content herself with the
Achilleion, which stood empty and stripped. According to the statement of the division of the estate, the Hermes Villa was assessed at 185,000 guldens (it had cost several million), being livable and situated close to the capital. The Achilleion, conversely, was far away, in need of repairs, and unfit for habitation. Its book value was only 60,000 guldens, although the building costs had far exceeded 2 million. The yearly maintenance alone ran to 50,000 guldens.
75

The contemporary papers reported at length on the Empress’s fabulous jewelry collection. These private jewels—gifts from the Emperor as well as from many friendly sovereigns, such as the Sultan of Turkey and the Shah of Persia—were estimated to be worth 4 to 5 million guldens. It can now be seen from the statement of accounts of her estate, however, that the Empress had long since given away most of this legendary jewelry, keeping hardly anything for herself. The total value of the pieces she left behind amounted to a mere 45,950 guldens.
76

Neither the valuable wedding presents—three diamond tiaras alone—nor the famous triple strand of pearls—the Emperor’s gift on the occasion of Rudolf’s birth—was still in her possession. Elisabeth had parted with everything, even her famous emeralds and the diamond stars for her hair, which had become so well known through Winterhalter’s portrait. The most valuable piece in her estate was the Order of the Star Cross (valued at 12,000 guldens), which had to be returned, and a tiara set with black pearls valued at 4,500 guldens—the only remaining tiara. Black pearls had been a symbol of bad luck to the highly superstitious Elisabeth; now they represented the only jewelry of value in her possession. There were 184 other jeweled trinkets—combs, mourning jewelry, many cheap brooches, buttons, crosses, and watches. The jewelry box left by the Empress of Austria and Queen of Hungary clearly shows Elisabeth’s contempt for worldly goods as well as the extent of her resignation.

Relatively few letters were found among her papers. “Most of the mportant letters Mama burned or—as, unfortunately, Rudolf’s last letter—ordered to be burned.” Her agent in this was her closest confidante of many years, Ida Ferenczy. Only a few letters from the 1860s and all the letters from about 1891 remained of those Franz Joseph had written to her through the tens of years of separation. Valerie was “deeply moved” by this fact, seeing in it “how the relationship between my parents became better, increasingly intimate, how in the final years, there were no more instances of even passing ill feelings.”
77
In other words, the couple got along better from the moment they were separated and when Franz
Joseph’s
relationship with Katharina Schratt was regularized, with Elisabeth’s approval.

Even a few days after his wife’s interment, Franz Joseph resumed his usual walks with Schratt. Expressing her embarrassment in her diary, Archduchess Valerie wrote, “Every morning Papa takes his walk with Schratt, whom I was also repeatedly forced to see and embrace—not with my heart—and yet I think her in herself—that is, aside from the people who cling to her—a harmless, loyal soul.—With fear I think of Mama’s wish, expressed to me so often, when I die Papa should marry Schratt. In any case, I wish to remain passive, cannot act coldly to her in view of Papa’s true friendship with her, would find it unjust and cruel to sour this comfort for Papa—but do not consider it my duty to abet him.”
78
Soon, the dislike of the Emperor’s daughter for his friend was known throughout the court.

But the Emperor found neither comfort nor relaxation in the bosom of Valerie’s family. His visits were marked by awkwardness and
embarrassment,
from which Valerie suffered deeply, complaining,

not to know whether one should talk about our misfortune or about distracting things, to try in vain to find subjects of
conversation
of the latter kind, to wish the children to act natural … and yet tremble that their shouting might irritate Papa—to see him now sink into dull unhappiness, now being nervous. … How well I understand now that being in Papa’s company almost crushed Mama. Yes, it is difficult to be with Papa, since he has never known a real exchange of views. I know how deep his feelings go and how deeply he suffers and stand powerless before all this woe, with no other weapon than the traditional routines.
79

 

Adjutant General Count Paar also found fault with the family circle in Wallersee. “It is barely possible to endure the boredom, for no one dares to say a word, and so conversation at table and in the evenings dries up almost completely.”
80
Even surrounded by his grandchildren, Franz Joseph was the unapproachable sovereign, a figure of fear. Not even here did he have the ability or the need to carry on a casual, informal conversation.

In earlier years, Valerie had repeatedly accused her mother (of course only in her thoughts, she did not dare to speak aloud) of not having treated her father well enough, of having neglected her wifely duties. Now she deeply regretted her earlier feelings. For now she, too, found dealing with
Franz Joseph anything but easy. “The trial it is to me now to be in Papa’s company is my punishment for my former harshness,” she wrote in her diary, as an expression of remorse toward her mother.
81

The “nasty court” got on her nerves now just as much as in former days it had annoyed her mother. Family life among the Habsburgs, with the many archducal rivalries and privileges, embittered her. She “realized very clearly once again that a nature like Mama’s can experience this sort of family life only as an unbearable obligation to an empty comedy.”
82

In December 1898, the fifty-year jubilee of Franz Joseph’s reign was celebrated with restraint and subdued by mourning, overshadowed by severe nationalist riots. Valerie about her father: “And in the midst of all this, he still stands upright,
vir
simplex
et
justus
[a simple and just man], concerned only with fulfilling his difficult duties day after day, loyal and untiring, forgetting self and caring only about others.”
83

But the Emperor’s daughter quarreled with the future of the monarchy. Elisabeth had turned her into a “republican,” as she had Crown Prince Rudolf. Now, after Elisabeth’s death, Valerie recalled her mother’s
example.
“There is, then, my perhaps highly treasonable lack of belief in Austria’s survival and its only salvation in the House of Habsburg. That is the real reason why I cannot become excited about a cause which I simply consider lost. I admit that these are views I have taken over from Mama—but every new experience always convinces me more and more of their correctness…. After him [Franz Joseph], let come what is most likely to bring about new and better conditions.”
84

*

 

For almost fifty years—from 1854 to 1898—Elisabeth was Empress and Queen of an empire riddled with problems in a time of decline. She did nothing to slow the decline. She was not a woman of action, like her successor, Zita, whose fate it was to live through the collapse.
Self-surrender,
retreat into private life, even into poetry, finally into solitude—this was Elisabeth’s answer to the demand for the fulfillment of duties such as her imperial husband so indefatigably demonstrated to his subjects.

Madness? Wisdom? An understanding of the inevitable? Or simply convenience and whim? The
fin
de
siècle
of the Danube monarchy is personified in Elisabeth, who refused to live as an empress.

Notes
 

1
. Wallersee,
Elisabeth,
p. 46.

2
. Ibid., pp. 45f.

3
. Konstantin Christomanos,
Tagebuchblätter
(Vienna, 1899), pp. 104f.

4
. Nostitz, Vol. I, p. 188, from Vienna, October 29, 1887.

5
. Valerie, August 4, 1894.

6
. Cissy von Klastersky,
Der
alte
Kaiser,
wie
nur
einer
ihn
sah
(Vienna, 1929), p. 41.

7
. Corti Papers, from Corfu, November 11, 1888.

8
. Nostitz, Vol. I, p. 391, April 10, 1894.

9
. Valerie, March 23, 1891.

10
. Article by F. Pagin,
NWJ
,
July 3, 1932.

11
. Valerie, April 23, 1892.

12
. Harold Kurtz,
Eugénie
(Tübingen, 1964), p. 423.

13
. Corti Papers, from Genoa, March 29, 1893.

14
. HHStA, P. A. from Cairo, November 23, 1891.

15
. Valerie, January 14, 1891.

16
. Eduard Suess,
Erinnerungen
(Leipzig, 1916), p. 411.

17
. Corti Papers, from Corfu, October 18, 1888.

18
. HHStA, Braun Papers, from Corfu, October 22 (no year).

19
. Corti Papers, from Corfu, November 20 [1888].

20
. Corti Papers, from Genoa, March 29, 1893.

21
. Christomanos, p. 129.

22
. Ibid., pp. 65ff.

23
. Corti Papers, to Ida Ferenczy from Corfu, October 11, 1891.

24
. Christomanos, p. 165.

25
. Nostitz, Vol. I, pp. 307f., from Vienna, April 6, 1893.

26
. Corti Papers, September 13, 1892.

27
. Ibid., to Ida Ferenczy from Messina, December 4, 1892.

28
. HHStA, Adm. Reg. F1/57, from Vienna, October 24, 1890.

29
. AA, Österreich 86, No. 1, Reuss to Wilhelm II, October 29, 1890.

30
. Ibid., Vol. VI, from Vienna, January 2, 1893.

31
. Irma Countess Sztaray,
Aus
den
letzten
Jahren
der
Kaiserin
Elisabeth
(Vienna, 1909), p. 203.

32
. Corti Papers, Newspaper clipping: Fritz Seemann, “Der Mann, der Könige überwachte.”

33
. Alfons Clary-Aldringen,
Geschichten
eines
alten
Österreichers
(n.d.), p. 114.

34
. Rosa Albach-Retty,
So
kurz
sind
hundert
Jahre
(Munich, 1979), pp. 123f.

35
. Suttner,
Erinnerungen,
p. 343.

36
.
Berliner
Tageblatt,
April 21, 1889. Similarly,
Le
Matin,
April 12 and 17, and
Gaulois,
April 13, 1889.

37
.
Wiener
Taghlatt,
April 26, 1889.

38
. Translated and denied in
Magyar
Hirlap,
March 11, 1893.

39
. Corti Papers, to Ida Ferenczy, March 14, 1893.

40
.
Der
Bund,
March 22, 1893.

41
. Sexau Papers, to Marie José of Bavaria, from Territet, March 2, 1893.

42
. Valerie, February 21, 1893.

43
. Corti Papers, to Ida Ferenczy, April 14, 1893.

44
. Redwitz, pp. 68f.

45
. Valerie, February 25, 1897.

46
. Ibid., August 15, 1891.

47
. Edmund von Glaise-Horstenau,
Franz
Josephs
Weggefährte
(Vienna, 1930), p. 400.

48
. Viktor Eisenmenger,
Erzherzog
Franz
Ferdinand
(Zurich, n.d.), p. 77.

49
. Corti Papers, from Biarritz, December 22, 1896.

50
. Bourgoing, p. 304, from Budapest, December 29, 1894.

51
. Nostitz, Vol. II, p. 307, from Schönbrunn, September 8, 1897.

52
. Bourgoing, p. 344, from Cap Martin, March 3, 1897.

53
. Corti Papers, Sztaray to Ida Ferenczy, from Corfu, April 7, 1896.

54
.
Magyar
Hirlap,
May 3, 1896.

55
. Valerie, December 16, 1897.

56
. AA, Österreich 86, No. 1, Vol. IX, from Vienna, March 26, 1897.

57
. Bourgoing, p. 359, from Budapest, February 28, 1898.

58
. Valerie, May 8, 1898.

59
. Ibid., July 2, 1898.

60
. Ibid., July 22, 1898.

61
. Ibid., August 25, 1898.

62
. Corti Papers, from Bad Nauheim, July 25, 1898.

63
. Valerie, September 7, 1898.

64
. Christomanos, pp. 209f.

65
. BAB, Polit. Department 2001/801, from Zurich, May 4, 1898.

66
. Sztaray, p. 245.

67
. More detailed versions of the assassination in Brigitte Hamann, “Der Mord an Kaiserin Elisabeth,” in Leopold Spira, ed.,
Attentate,
die
Österreich
erschütterten
(Vienna, 1981), pp. 21–33, and Maria Matray and Answald Krüger,
Der
Tod
der
Kaiserin
Elisabeth
von
Österreich
(Munich, 1970).

68
. Valerie, September 7, 1898.

69
. Carmen Sylva, “Die Kaiserin Elisabeth in Sinaia,”
NFP
,
December 25, 1908.

70
. Valerie, September 10 and 13, 1898.

71
. Glaise-Horstenau, p. 400.

72
. Erich Graf Kielmannsegg,
Kaiserhaus
,
Staatsmänner
und
Politiker
(Vienna, 1966), p. 106.

73
. Kielmannsegg, p. 105.

74
. Valerie, September 20, 1898.

75
. HHStA, Reserve Files of the directors of the Family Fund, 1898.

76
. Ibid.

77
. Valerie, October 3, 1898.

78
. Ibid., September 20, 1898.

79
. Ibid., September 17, 1898.

80
. Kielmannsegg, p. 93.

81
. Valerie, April 9, 1899.

82
. Ibid., July 25, 1900.

83
. Ibid., December 2, 1898.

84
. Ibid., January 18, 1900.

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