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Authors: Melinda Tankard Reist,Abigail Bray
Tags: #General, #Social Science, #Sociology, #Media Studies, #Pornography
Big Porn Inc: Exposing the Harms of the Global Pornography Industry (15 page)
BOOK: Big Porn Inc: Exposing the Harms of the Global Pornography Industry
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2
I would make the same point about the sexually suggestive photographs by Sally Mann of her young naked children. There is no way for a child to know how they will feel about such photographs when they are adults. It is disingenuous to claim, as Sally Mann and her supporters do, that her children, now adults are ‘fine’ with the photos and even proud of them. That may well be. But it cannot be known in advance. And what if those same children, as adults, eventually change their mind? The photos cannot be recalled. There is no meaningful way to speak of ‘consent’ for young children who are being viewed in ways they cannot yet understand. I really don’t care how good the photographs are. That would be like saying the crush videos of the animals have nice color composition. Tell that to the dead animals. And what of the children of the children? How might
they
respond? Why should ‘art’ trump all other ethical considerations? When I was a university student in France, a friend told me he found the holocaust, apart from its moral dimension, a ‘superb spectacle’. He was Jewish, as was I. I stared in disbelief at him. I later learned he was hardly alone.
3
Arts Law: Animal Rights and Artistic Freedom <
http://www.artslaw.com.au/articles/entry/animal-rights-and-artistic-freedom/
>.
4
See <
http://www.animalrights.net/2005/peta-and-bestiality-round-2/
> and for a feminist critique of PETA see <
http://melindatankardreist.com/2011/02/porn-masquerading-as-an-anti-animal-cruelty-video/
>.
I would make the same point about the sexually suggestive photographs by Sally Mann of her young naked children. There is no way for a child to know how they will feel about such photographs when they are adults. It is disingenuous to claim, as Sally Mann and her supporters do, that her children, now adults are ‘fine’ with the photos and even proud of them. That may well be. But it cannot be known in advance. And what if those same children, as adults, eventually change their mind? The photos cannot be recalled. There is no meaningful way to speak of ‘consent’ for young children who are being viewed in ways they cannot yet understand. I really don’t care how good the photographs are. That would be like saying the crush videos of the animals have nice color composition. Tell that to the dead animals. And what of the children of the children? How might
they
respond? Why should ‘art’ trump all other ethical considerations? When I was a university student in France, a friend told me he found the holocaust, apart from its moral dimension, a ‘superb spectacle’. He was Jewish, as was I. I stared in disbelief at him. I later learned he was hardly alone.
3
Arts Law: Animal Rights and Artistic Freedom <
http://www.artslaw.com.au/articles/entry/animal-rights-and-artistic-freedom/
>.
4
See <
http://www.animalrights.net/2005/peta-and-bestiality-round-2/
> and for a feminist critique of PETA see <
http://melindatankardreist.com/2011/02/porn-masquerading-as-an-anti-animal-cruelty-video/
>.
Robi Sonderegger
Neurotica: Modern Day Sexual Repression
At the height of the 1960s American counterculture revolution, folklorist and social critic Gershon Legman coined the slogan ‘Make love not war’. Notwithstanding the popular use of the term by activists in opposition to the Vietnam War, the slogan originated from Legman’s deeply held views that sexual repression and censorship of erotic publications were the cause of escalating violence and sadism in American culture (in Landesman, 1999). Despite Legman’s best intentions, however, the sexual revolution delivered more than he bargained for. As sexual and interpersonal norms were challenged in pursuit of ‘sexual freedom’, new types of repression emerged in the form of the capitalist commercialisation of sex. The ‘sexual freedom’ that people aspired to in the 1960s was exploited by big business in the 70s and 80s with the production of pornography en masse (Jong et al., 2003). Any notion of ‘Make love not war’ quickly became ‘Make money not love’.
Renowned political theorist and philosopher on the sexual revolution, Herbert Marcuse, argued that the notion of ‘sexual freedom’ was almost oxymoronic. Despite being an advocate for sexual expression in art and literature in its true form, he challenged the Freudian-style thinking of the day that suggested the commercialisation of sexual liberty would only result in social enslavement. Indeed, contrary to the myth that pornography could somehow enhance intimacy, free the libido, or grant a liberating outlet for sexual expression, sexualised media has ultimately became a source of addiction and bondage (US Attorney General’s Commission on Pornography, 1986). In his classic
One-Dimensional Man
(1964/1994) Marcuse describes this as a process of Repressive Desublimation: when the best sellers of oppression defile authentic sexuality by replacing relational intimacy with a commodity to be consumed. The sexual revolution was supposed to throw off outdated constrictions. However, in an endeavour to cheapen and profane what so many consider sacred, ‘sexual freedom’ has been hijacked by industrialised, mass-produced, stereotyped pornography which only represses authentic sexual expression and intimacy. Marcuse contends that hope and truth preserved in the sublimations of higher culture are both betrayed and destroyed (1994/1994, p. 60).
Paradoxically, with the relaxation of laws relating to the commercial availability of sexually explicit material and the increasing demand to satisfy newly cultivated sexual appetites, greater liberality has been taken in the production of hardcore and violent content. In a recent investigation of pornographic subject matter (Bridges et al., 2010), almost 90% of scenes in the most popular adult films incorporated verbal aggression (48%: name calling/insults; threatening physical harm; and/or using coercive language) and physical aggression (88.2%: pushing/shoving; biting; pinching; pulling hair; spanking; open-hand slapping; gagging; choking; threatening with weapon; kicking; closed-fist punching; bondage/confining; using weapons; torturing, mutilating and attempting murder). Such aggression (averaging 11.52 acts per scene) was mostly perpetrated against women, by both men (72.7% of offences) and women (27.0% of offences).
While not everyone who views pornography goes on to develop sexual behaviour problems, for many pornography seems to both create and exacerbate pathology. Similar to other mental health professionals, I’ve observed a disturbing trend among pornography consumers towards both compulsive behaviours and the development of abnormal interests, over which clients report having little control. According to Dr William Struthers, Associate Professor in Biopsychology, pornography creates significant confusion for the human brain. As pornography consumption increases, autonomy (freedom over what a person thinks and pursues) decreases, leaving one’s sexual drive screaming for an outlet. “Sexually acting out in response to pornography creates sexual associations that are stored as hormonal and neurological habits. These associations are seared into the fabric of the brain” (2009, p. 59).
As the brain’s limbic system becomes dependent on the neurological rewards
1
of viewing pornography, many consumers need to employ cognitive defence strategies to deal with the resulting dissonance and identity confusion. Over time, defence mechanisms mutate to justify more extreme sexual interests and behaviours. According to Dr Struthers, pornography consumers start with
denial
(avoiding disclosure due to cultural stigma), and progress to
minimisation
(asserting control over viewing habits and playing down its impact), to
normalisation
(arguing everyone is doing it so it must be acceptable), to
rationalisation
and
justification
(endeavouring to use logical arguments to excuse viewing, or acting out after viewing, pornography), and ultimately end up in
celebration
(embracing sexual exploitation and revelling in one’s habitual behaviour). Emeritus Professor in
Psychology, Dr Victor Cline, reports a similar progression from pornography consumption to sexually deviant interests and delinquency.
2
Based on observations over the course of treating hundreds of clients with sexual behaviour problems, Dr Cline has identified 4 progressive phases in the aetiology of sexually abhorrent interests and behaviours (2001, pp. 3–4):
1. Compulsive pornography viewing accompanied by masturbation and subsequent sexual release;
2. Escalation of explicit content (more violent, extreme or deviant) to achieve the same sexual high through masturbation and sexual release;
3. Desensitisation to material that initially may have been repulsive, shocking or even illegal (despite being contrary to previously held moral beliefs and personal standards), coming to see it not only as common place, but also justifying, rationalising, and defending it; and
4. An intense desire or propensity to sexually act out a range of abhorrent behaviours viewed in pornography (e.g. compulsive promiscuity, exhibitionism, voyeurism, violence, child molestation, rape). As sexually deviant behaviours take hold, clients find themselves locked into a neurotic addiction cycle that is pursued at all costs – irrespective of potential negative consequences.
The state of being neurotic or engaging neurotic behaviour stems from a psychiatric condition known as neurosis. Characteristics of neurosis typically manifest as obsessional thoughts and compulsive behaviours. To varying degrees, neurotic thoughts dominate one’s personality and result in interpersonal maladjustment. Interestingly, such patterns of neurotic thoughts and behaviours are widely reported in explorative research on the role pornography consumption plays in the development of sexual dysfunction. Is there a connection between pornography and neurosis?
The empirical literature refers to sexually neurotic thoughts and behaviours as paraphilia. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR) “… paraphilia is characterised by recurrent, intense sexual urges, fantasies, or behaviours that involve unusual objects, activities, or situations.” More specifically, paraphilia generally involves “1) nonhuman objects, 2) the suffering or humiliation of oneself or one’s partner, or 3) children or other nonconsenting persons …” (American Psychiatric Association, 2000, pp. 535, 566).
Given that many of these paraphilia are also criminal activities, research parameters make it difficult to conclusively ascertain how such sexual dysfunction and deviancy develop. Nevertheless, it should be noted that there are strong parallels between sexual dysfunction and published pornographic materials. Most pathological conditions are also common pornographic sub-genres.
3
Table 1
provides a breakdown of some of the most common online pornographic sub-genres, their descriptions and their popularity both in the number of available Webpages (generated through a Google Web search) and the average number of searches performed globally each month (calculated by Google AdWords). These sub-themes almost perfectly match the clinical forms of sexual paraphilia acknowledged in forensic psychiatry.
Table 1: Online pornographic sub-genres (listed in order of predominance)
___________________________
a
Total number of pornography sub-genre Google generated Webpages in 2010 (accessed 15 December, 2010).
b
Average number of global monthly Google searches in 2010: Data specific to Keyword Match Type (derived from Google AdWords, calculated 15 December, 2010).
c
Number of Google AdWords searches publicly restricted. However Google Trends reports juvenile sex search terms were, by far, the most popular of all requests in 2010 (derived from Google Trends, calculated on 20 December, 2010).
The mere parallel between deviant sexual pathology and popular pornography sub-themes does not warrant the conclusion that one is determined by the other. According to Kingston et al. (2008) other relevant moderating variables, such as family background and transient emotional states, may also contribute to an individual’s predisposition in relation to sexualised media. Yet, the socially corrosive power of unregulated commercialised pornography is clearly acknowledged throughout scientific literature.
Not only does pornography activate and reinforce inappropriate cognitive representations (fostering sexual preoccupation), repeated exposure to pornography has been found to “help shape an individual’s fantasies, perceptions, rationalizations, and deeper core beliefs” (Kingston et al., 2008, p. 349). Empirical studies
4
into the effects of pornography have consistently shown that the degradation encouraged by pornography encourages negative attitudes and dominant behaviours towards women, including the heightened proclivity towards coercive sex. This is especially true of pornography that advocates aggression and violence towards women, which, based on findings that aggression rates in pornographic scenes have nearly tripled in recent years (Bridges et al., 2010), can be considered the overwhelming majority.
According to social, operant, and classical learning theories,
5
consumers model what they learn from sexually explicit media when the sexual acts they observe are positively reinforced. Most disturbingly, Bridges et al. (2010), found that when aggressed against, 95.9% of female pornography actors responded with approving (expressions of pleasure) or condoning (expressions of neutrality) responses.
6
To the extent that consumers of mainstream pornography learn that verbal and physical sexual aggression is rewarding, they are more likely to incorporate coercive aggression in their own sexual encounters. An overwhelming number of empirical studies have now established a significant relationship between the consumption of sexually explicit media and sexual delinquency. Irrespective of additional mediating/moderating variables, pornography contributes directly to pro-sexual-offending attitudes, intimate relationship difficulties, sexual callousness, disinterest in the suffering of others, and desensitisation to violence against women, acceptance of male dominance and female servitude, leniency toward rapists in legal proceedings, accepting various rape myths (that rape can be justified), self-assessed proclivity to force sex on women, and the
direct instigation of sexual assault (Dèttore and Giannelli, 2008; Marshall, 2000; Waltman, 2008). Pornography has been rendered “instrumentally causal in the aetiology of sex offending” (Itzin, 2002, p. 21).
Neurotica: Modern Day Sexual Repression
At the height of the 1960s American counterculture revolution, folklorist and social critic Gershon Legman coined the slogan ‘Make love not war’. Notwithstanding the popular use of the term by activists in opposition to the Vietnam War, the slogan originated from Legman’s deeply held views that sexual repression and censorship of erotic publications were the cause of escalating violence and sadism in American culture (in Landesman, 1999). Despite Legman’s best intentions, however, the sexual revolution delivered more than he bargained for. As sexual and interpersonal norms were challenged in pursuit of ‘sexual freedom’, new types of repression emerged in the form of the capitalist commercialisation of sex. The ‘sexual freedom’ that people aspired to in the 1960s was exploited by big business in the 70s and 80s with the production of pornography en masse (Jong et al., 2003). Any notion of ‘Make love not war’ quickly became ‘Make money not love’.
Renowned political theorist and philosopher on the sexual revolution, Herbert Marcuse, argued that the notion of ‘sexual freedom’ was almost oxymoronic. Despite being an advocate for sexual expression in art and literature in its true form, he challenged the Freudian-style thinking of the day that suggested the commercialisation of sexual liberty would only result in social enslavement. Indeed, contrary to the myth that pornography could somehow enhance intimacy, free the libido, or grant a liberating outlet for sexual expression, sexualised media has ultimately became a source of addiction and bondage (US Attorney General’s Commission on Pornography, 1986). In his classic
One-Dimensional Man
(1964/1994) Marcuse describes this as a process of Repressive Desublimation: when the best sellers of oppression defile authentic sexuality by replacing relational intimacy with a commodity to be consumed. The sexual revolution was supposed to throw off outdated constrictions. However, in an endeavour to cheapen and profane what so many consider sacred, ‘sexual freedom’ has been hijacked by industrialised, mass-produced, stereotyped pornography which only represses authentic sexual expression and intimacy. Marcuse contends that hope and truth preserved in the sublimations of higher culture are both betrayed and destroyed (1994/1994, p. 60).
Paradoxically, with the relaxation of laws relating to the commercial availability of sexually explicit material and the increasing demand to satisfy newly cultivated sexual appetites, greater liberality has been taken in the production of hardcore and violent content. In a recent investigation of pornographic subject matter (Bridges et al., 2010), almost 90% of scenes in the most popular adult films incorporated verbal aggression (48%: name calling/insults; threatening physical harm; and/or using coercive language) and physical aggression (88.2%: pushing/shoving; biting; pinching; pulling hair; spanking; open-hand slapping; gagging; choking; threatening with weapon; kicking; closed-fist punching; bondage/confining; using weapons; torturing, mutilating and attempting murder). Such aggression (averaging 11.52 acts per scene) was mostly perpetrated against women, by both men (72.7% of offences) and women (27.0% of offences).
While not everyone who views pornography goes on to develop sexual behaviour problems, for many pornography seems to both create and exacerbate pathology. Similar to other mental health professionals, I’ve observed a disturbing trend among pornography consumers towards both compulsive behaviours and the development of abnormal interests, over which clients report having little control. According to Dr William Struthers, Associate Professor in Biopsychology, pornography creates significant confusion for the human brain. As pornography consumption increases, autonomy (freedom over what a person thinks and pursues) decreases, leaving one’s sexual drive screaming for an outlet. “Sexually acting out in response to pornography creates sexual associations that are stored as hormonal and neurological habits. These associations are seared into the fabric of the brain” (2009, p. 59).
As the brain’s limbic system becomes dependent on the neurological rewards
1
of viewing pornography, many consumers need to employ cognitive defence strategies to deal with the resulting dissonance and identity confusion. Over time, defence mechanisms mutate to justify more extreme sexual interests and behaviours. According to Dr Struthers, pornography consumers start with
denial
(avoiding disclosure due to cultural stigma), and progress to
minimisation
(asserting control over viewing habits and playing down its impact), to
normalisation
(arguing everyone is doing it so it must be acceptable), to
rationalisation
and
justification
(endeavouring to use logical arguments to excuse viewing, or acting out after viewing, pornography), and ultimately end up in
celebration
(embracing sexual exploitation and revelling in one’s habitual behaviour). Emeritus Professor in
Psychology, Dr Victor Cline, reports a similar progression from pornography consumption to sexually deviant interests and delinquency.
2
Based on observations over the course of treating hundreds of clients with sexual behaviour problems, Dr Cline has identified 4 progressive phases in the aetiology of sexually abhorrent interests and behaviours (2001, pp. 3–4):
1. Compulsive pornography viewing accompanied by masturbation and subsequent sexual release;
2. Escalation of explicit content (more violent, extreme or deviant) to achieve the same sexual high through masturbation and sexual release;
3. Desensitisation to material that initially may have been repulsive, shocking or even illegal (despite being contrary to previously held moral beliefs and personal standards), coming to see it not only as common place, but also justifying, rationalising, and defending it; and
4. An intense desire or propensity to sexually act out a range of abhorrent behaviours viewed in pornography (e.g. compulsive promiscuity, exhibitionism, voyeurism, violence, child molestation, rape). As sexually deviant behaviours take hold, clients find themselves locked into a neurotic addiction cycle that is pursued at all costs – irrespective of potential negative consequences.
The state of being neurotic or engaging neurotic behaviour stems from a psychiatric condition known as neurosis. Characteristics of neurosis typically manifest as obsessional thoughts and compulsive behaviours. To varying degrees, neurotic thoughts dominate one’s personality and result in interpersonal maladjustment. Interestingly, such patterns of neurotic thoughts and behaviours are widely reported in explorative research on the role pornography consumption plays in the development of sexual dysfunction. Is there a connection between pornography and neurosis?
The empirical literature refers to sexually neurotic thoughts and behaviours as paraphilia. According to the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM-IV-TR) “… paraphilia is characterised by recurrent, intense sexual urges, fantasies, or behaviours that involve unusual objects, activities, or situations.” More specifically, paraphilia generally involves “1) nonhuman objects, 2) the suffering or humiliation of oneself or one’s partner, or 3) children or other nonconsenting persons …” (American Psychiatric Association, 2000, pp. 535, 566).
Given that many of these paraphilia are also criminal activities, research parameters make it difficult to conclusively ascertain how such sexual dysfunction and deviancy develop. Nevertheless, it should be noted that there are strong parallels between sexual dysfunction and published pornographic materials. Most pathological conditions are also common pornographic sub-genres.
3
Table 1
provides a breakdown of some of the most common online pornographic sub-genres, their descriptions and their popularity both in the number of available Webpages (generated through a Google Web search) and the average number of searches performed globally each month (calculated by Google AdWords). These sub-themes almost perfectly match the clinical forms of sexual paraphilia acknowledged in forensic psychiatry.
Table 1: Online pornographic sub-genres (listed in order of predominance)
| Online search terms | Description | Total Web pages a | Total monthly searches b |
|---|---|---|---|
| Teen sex | Involving actual post-pubescent adolescents | 81,700,000 | N/A c |
| Animal sex | Involving the sexual engagement of animals (Bestiality) | 50,300,000 | 6,120,000 |
| Bondage | Involving sadism & masochism | 29,400,000 | 5,000,000 |
| Spankwire | Involving the violent mutilation of reproductive organs | 16,600,000 | 7,480,000 |
| Bukkake | Involving numerous men (10+) having sex with one wo(man) | 17,900,000 | 1,500,000 |
| Voyeur sex | Involves filming & spying on people while dressing/showering | 15,900,000 | 135,000 |
| Twink porn | Involving younger/slender looking boys | 8,210,000 | 135,000 |
| Crush sex | Involving the killing of small animals (also called Hard Crush) | 7,740,000 | 5400 |
| Vomit sex | Involving vomiting & gagging (Emetophilia pornography) | 3,790,000 | 9900 |
| Rough sex | Involving humiliation, choking, hair-pulling | 3,250,000 | 368,000 |
| Scat porn | Involving defecation, manipulation/ consumption of feces | 3,050,000 | 165,000 |
| Lolita sex | Involving underage-looking performers (appearing 15-18 years) | 2,200,000 | N/A c |
| Rape sex | Involving real or portrayed forced unconsensual sex | 2,770,000 | 550,000 |
| Diaper porn | Involving performers pretending to be infants | 1,730,000 | 27,100 |
| Wired porn | Involving electrical shocks & use of electrocution devices | 1,690,000 | 2400 |
| Pre-teen sex | Involving actual pre-pubescent children | 1,560,000 | N/A c |
| Exhibitionist sex | Involves public genital exposure (from flashing to intercourse) | 1,360,000 | 2900 |
| Snuff sex | Involving actual death of participants, consenting or otherwise | 1,280,000 | 6600 |
| Menstrual porn | Involving menstruating women (with focus on menstrual blood) | 531,000 | 9900 |
| Felching sex | Involving the suction of recently-ejaculated semen from the anus | 480,000 | 170 |
| Guro sex | Involving blood, gore, disfiguration, mutilation, urine or feces | 278,000 | 480 |
a
Total number of pornography sub-genre Google generated Webpages in 2010 (accessed 15 December, 2010).
b
Average number of global monthly Google searches in 2010: Data specific to Keyword Match Type (derived from Google AdWords, calculated 15 December, 2010).
c
Number of Google AdWords searches publicly restricted. However Google Trends reports juvenile sex search terms were, by far, the most popular of all requests in 2010 (derived from Google Trends, calculated on 20 December, 2010).
The mere parallel between deviant sexual pathology and popular pornography sub-themes does not warrant the conclusion that one is determined by the other. According to Kingston et al. (2008) other relevant moderating variables, such as family background and transient emotional states, may also contribute to an individual’s predisposition in relation to sexualised media. Yet, the socially corrosive power of unregulated commercialised pornography is clearly acknowledged throughout scientific literature.
Not only does pornography activate and reinforce inappropriate cognitive representations (fostering sexual preoccupation), repeated exposure to pornography has been found to “help shape an individual’s fantasies, perceptions, rationalizations, and deeper core beliefs” (Kingston et al., 2008, p. 349). Empirical studies
4
into the effects of pornography have consistently shown that the degradation encouraged by pornography encourages negative attitudes and dominant behaviours towards women, including the heightened proclivity towards coercive sex. This is especially true of pornography that advocates aggression and violence towards women, which, based on findings that aggression rates in pornographic scenes have nearly tripled in recent years (Bridges et al., 2010), can be considered the overwhelming majority.
According to social, operant, and classical learning theories,
5
consumers model what they learn from sexually explicit media when the sexual acts they observe are positively reinforced. Most disturbingly, Bridges et al. (2010), found that when aggressed against, 95.9% of female pornography actors responded with approving (expressions of pleasure) or condoning (expressions of neutrality) responses.
6
To the extent that consumers of mainstream pornography learn that verbal and physical sexual aggression is rewarding, they are more likely to incorporate coercive aggression in their own sexual encounters. An overwhelming number of empirical studies have now established a significant relationship between the consumption of sexually explicit media and sexual delinquency. Irrespective of additional mediating/moderating variables, pornography contributes directly to pro-sexual-offending attitudes, intimate relationship difficulties, sexual callousness, disinterest in the suffering of others, and desensitisation to violence against women, acceptance of male dominance and female servitude, leniency toward rapists in legal proceedings, accepting various rape myths (that rape can be justified), self-assessed proclivity to force sex on women, and the
direct instigation of sexual assault (Dèttore and Giannelli, 2008; Marshall, 2000; Waltman, 2008). Pornography has been rendered “instrumentally causal in the aetiology of sex offending” (Itzin, 2002, p. 21).
BOOK: Big Porn Inc: Exposing the Harms of the Global Pornography Industry
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