Blood Cries Afar (56 page)

298
   All quotes in what follows are from William the Breton unless otherwised cited.

299
   WB, ii, 235–326. I have not attempted to versify William’s poetic form from the
Philippidos
. Matthew Strickland suggests that infantry casualties were ‘probably high’:
War and Chivalry
, 165. This was almost certainly the case, given the last stand of Boulogne’s pikemen at the end of the battle. See also n. 32 below.

300
   In Wendover’s version, it is, less plausibly but more dramatically for literary effect, Count Renaud of Boulogne who knocks Philip from his horse with a lance and who is on the point of finishing him off with his sword when a bodyguard intercedes and receives the fatal blow (RW, ii, 108).

301
   At this time the new style great helms were replacing the older Norman conical ones; perhaps this new dagger was designed for infantry to overcome this greater degree of protection. Alberic of Trois-Fontaines confusingly calls this new knife a
falsarium
, probably confusing it with a falchion, a curved, cleaver-like sword (akin to a scimitar) which was also appearing at this time (the cover shows an early version of this deadly weapon) (
MGSS
, xxiii, 901).

302
   Even if caught, des Barres was not easily held: at Gisors in 1188 he was seized but freed by his men (
HGM
, 91). Roger of Howden (
Gesta
, ii, 46) accuses des Barres of escaping by breaking his parole, a distinctly unchivalrous act by France’s greatest knight.

303
   These tactics were witnessed over twenty years before Bouvines and are described by contemporaries: see Ambroise,
La Guerre Sainte
, ll. 11396–592;
Chronicle of the Third Crusade: A Translation of the Itinerarium Peregrinorum et Gesta Regis Ricardi
, ed. H. Nicholson, Aldershot, 1987, 362; and Ralph of Coggeshall (
Chronicon
, RC, 47) who based his account on information supplied by Hugh of Neville, who was present at this engagement. For the Battle of Jaffa in general, see Gillingham,
Richard I
, 214–15.

304
   Anonymous of Béthune,
Chroniques des Rois
, 770.

305
   Casualty figures for any battle, especially medieval ones, are notoriously difficult to determine. Verbruggen estimates that 169 knights were killed: this may be too high (William the Breton only gives two knights as killed) but is more plausible if it includes sergeants, light cavalry and, possibly, mounted mercenaries (Verbruggen,
The Art of Warfare
, 236).

306
   This catalogue, known as ‘Register C’, is discussed by Baldwin,
Philip Augustus
, 413–18. For the list of prisoners, also see Baldwin 219, 343, 380; Sivéry discusses the captured enemy in
Philippe Auguste
, 297–300.

307
   RW, ii, 109–110.

308
   Baldwin,
Philip Augustus
, 219.

309
   For example, Luchaire,
Philippe Auguste
, 214 (clearly following William the Breton, WB, i, 298).

310
   Baldwin,
Philip Augustus
, 219.

311
   Gillingham,
Richard Couer de Lion
, 79

312
   Ibid, pp. 78–9. Gillingham offers a convincing argument here. See also R. Hasdju, ‘Castles, Castellans, and the Structure of Politics in Poitou, 1152–1271’,
Journal of Medieval History
, iv, 1978, in support of this thesis.

313
   RC, 170. Jones writes that Coggeshall confuses this payment with the one of 60,000 marks made by John to Philip in 1216 (Jones,
John
, 18).

314
   Painter,
John
, 228.

315
   Carpenter,
The Struggle for Mastery
, 286.

316
   Vincent,
Peter des Roches
, 103–4. Vincent shrewdly suggests that the merchants, ships and goods seized ‘might also serve as a bargaining counters in negotiations for the release of prisoners taken at Bouvines, including the Earl of Salisbury whose ransom the justiciar was instructed to obtain … The merchants were eventually released, having promised not to put into any hostile ports or to carry cargoes to the detriment of King John’ (104). Commerce with Flanders increased following the free trade clause in Magna Carta (41) but Flemish merchants remained distinctly uneasy at political vicissitudes and the possibility of sequestration of goods by the English (see David Nicholson,
Medieval Flanders
, Harlow, 1992, 154). The nature of Welsh incursions into England is explored by F. Suppe,
Military Institutions on the Welsh Marches
, Woodbridge, 1994.

317
   Flanders had the Treaty of Paris imposed upon it on 24 October 1214. By this many fortresses were not permitted repairs and the key ones – Ypres, Cassel and Oudenarde – were completely destroyed; these three strongholds comprised the Flemish line of defence against French incursions. For the consequences of Bouvines on Flanders, see Nicholson,
Medieval Flanders
, 153–6.

318
   Anonymous of Béthune,
RHF
, xxiv, 770. Elizabeth Hallam has written of the Capetian’s ascendancy: ‘From kings too powerless and obscure even to find biographers, there had sprung a hero-king, whose grandson was to become a saint’ (
Capetian France
, 179). For the most detailed discussions of the seminal historic importance of Bouvines and its legendary status in France, see: Baldwin,
Philip Augustus
, 380–9; Duby,
France in the Middle Ages
, 222–7; Duby,
The Legend of Bouvines
, 141–79; Hallam,
Capetian France
, 178–9; Luchaire,
Philippe Auguste
, 211–17; Hadenauge,
Philippe Auguste
, 233–51; Bradbury, 326–8; and the section on ‘L’image du roi et du règne’ in Bautier (ed),
Philippe Auguste
, 115–213
passim
. Of especial note, which includes unlikely moves to have Philip canonised, see John Baldwin, ‘Le Sens du Bouvines’,
Cahiers de Civilisation Médiévale
, 30, 1987. One less expected result came in the form of parody: see John Haines, ‘A Parody of Songs in Praise of War’,
Speculum
, 82 (2), 2007, which focuses on later interpretations of Bouvines.

319
   Matthew Bennet has suggested to me that Philip, shaken by his near fatal experience at Bouvines, may have shunned any further military role for fear of the personal dangers involved. This fits in with Philip’s cautious and unheroic character.

320
   Unedited chronicle, in MS 553, Bibliothèque Mazarine, folio 373; and Luchaire,
Philippe Auguste
, 198.

321
   Michael Clanchy,
England and Its Rulers, 1066–1272
, 2nd edn., London, 1998, 129. For Peter des Roches see Nicholas Vincent’s magisterial study,
Peter des Roches
.

322
   There is a wealth of material and analysis for these events and Magna Carta. In addition to the general histories already cited, see: J.C. Holt,
The Northerners: A Study in King John
, 2nd edn. Oxford, 1992; J.C Holt,
Magna Carta
, Cambridge, especially 183–266, 347–77; J.C.Holt,
Magna Cart and Medieval Government
; Turner,
King John
, 201–54; Warren,
King John
, 217–51; Norgate,
John Lackland
, p 210–256; Painter,
King John
, 226–366; Ralph Turner,
Magna Carta
, London, 2003, 40–79; Hugh Thomas,
Vassals, Heiresses, Crusaders and Thugs
, Pennsylvania, 1993, 168–92. The recent (2010) collection edited by Loengard,
Magna Cart and the England of King John
is a valuable collection of papers for this aspect of John’s reign.

323
   Carpenter,
The Struggle for Mastery
, 286.

324
   For financial matters, see references in ch. 3 notes and, specifically for discontent, see: Warren,
King John
, 182–4; Turner,
King John
, 215–24, 231–2; for a discussion of scutage, see Painter,
King John
, 125–8. The principle of taxation and consent for the period 1189–1227 has recently been addressed by J.R.Maddicott,
The Origins of the English Parliament, 924–1327
, Oxford, 2010, 119–26.

325
   
Pipe Roll 12 John
; Warren,
King John
, 182.

326
   Turner,
King John
, 220.

327
   Holt,
The Northerners
, 34. See Brian Golding, ‘Simon of Kyme: the Making of a Rebel’,
Nottingham Medieval Studies
, 27, 1983, for a case study of one of the rebels.

328
   Carpenter,
The Struggle for Mastery
, 279. For a detailed analysis of the de Braose case, see Painter,
King John
, 238–50, and, most recently (2010), Crouch, ‘Baronial Paranoia’ and ‘The Complaint of King john against William de Braose’, in Loengard (ed),
Magna Carta and the England of King John
. For an overall context see the innovative study by J.S. Bothwell,
Falling From Grace: Reversal of Fortune and the English Nobility, 1075–1455
, Manchester, 2008.

329
   Annals of Margam,
Annales Monastici
, i, 27; Warren,
King John
, 82–3. The Annals were probably written after de Braose’s fall.

330
   RW, ii, 48–9.

331
   Warren,
King John
, 184, 187.

332
   Crouch, ‘Baronial Paranoia’, 51; Painter,
King John
, 249–50.

333
   AB, 105.

334
   Cited in Painter,
King John
, 231. Painter suggested that she was probably John’s mistress and was buying her way out of the king’s bed (231).

335
   The quotes are from Nicholas Vincent, ‘Introduction’, in Vincent,
Records, Administration and Aristocratic Society in the Anglo-Norman Realm
, xiv. See also Marie Lovatt, ‘Archbishop Geoffrey of York: A Problem in Anglo-French Maternity’ from the same volume and Vincent, ‘Isabella of Angôuleme’.

336
   BC, 207.

337
   Crouch, ‘Baronial Paranoia’, 60.

338
   RC, 167.

339
   Holt,
The Northerners
, 34.

340
   Crouch ‘Baronial Paranoia’, 62.

341
   The quote is from Turner,
King John
, 222. For the composition of the baronial party, see Painter,
King John
, 284–99. Painter emphasises the youth of the baronial faction. The question of knights is addressed by Holt,
The Northeners
, 35–60; Kathryn Faulkner, ‘The Knights in the Magna Carta Civil War’, in
TCE
, 8, 2001; J.R. Maddicott, ‘Magna Carta and the Local Community, 1215–19’,
Past and Present
, 101, 1984. On the question of loyalty, see also S.D. Church,
The Household Knights of King John
, Cambridge, 1999, 100–16.

342
   Paul Latimer, ‘Rebellion in South-western England and the Welsh Marches, 1215–1217’,
Historical Research
, 80 (208), 2007.

343
   Poole,
Domesday Book to Magna Carta
, 470; Warren,
King John
, 230.

344
   AB, p 116–18. Fitzwalter’s retinue was only about 50, so the figures here are clearly inflated, but the point is made. It is unlikely that John would have hung an earl for this.

345
   Turner,
King John
, 223.

346
   See n. 2 for events leading to Magna Carta.

347
   Holt,
The Northerners
, p 103–4 for figures.

348
   Keith Stringer, ‘The War of 1215–17 in its Context’, in Richard Oram (ed),
The Reign of Alexander II, 1214–49
, Leiden, 2005. My thanks to Prof Stringer for sending me an early draft of this important and detailed study.

349
   BC, 218. This was not actually mentioned in the charter.

350
   RW, ii, 114; RC, p 171–2.

351
   Painter,
King John
, 303.

352
   BC, 220. Generational splits were a feature of rebellions.

353
   RW, ii, p 137. For London and its relationship with the rebels, see Tony Moore, ‘“Other Cities Have Citizens, London’s are Called Barons.” Connections between London and Essex During the Magna Carta Civil War (1215–17’), forthcoming. Many thanks to Dr Moore for sending me a draft of his important essay. Also for London, see his ‘Government and Locality in Essex in the Reign of Henry III’, unpublished doctoral thesis, University of Cambridge, 2006, 62–76. Again, I am indebted to Dr Moore for his kindness in forwarding me a copy of his important thesis. Also: Natalie Fryde,
Why Magna Carta? Angevin England Revisited
, Munster, 2001, 73–81; C.N.L. Brooke and Gillian Keir,
London, 800–1216: the Shaping of a City
, London, 1975, 49–56.

354
   RW, ii, 117–18.

355
   RC, 171–2.

356
   Baldwin says that Philip Augustus was at best reluctant and at worst hostile to intervention in England after Bouvines (Baldwin,
Philip Augustus
, 332). This is areal possibility, but he may have indulged the ambitions of his son Louis. Philip would also have been keenly aware from his father Louis VII of the efficacy of sowing internal dissent in England.