Brontës (57 page)

Straight after this meeting, as the correspondent to the
Leeds Intelligencer
mischievously remarked, the company adjourned to the Black Bull Inn ‘to make a night of it'. In fact, the object was not to make merry but to found a reform association which would set up newsrooms throughout the township, giving the poor access to Radical newspapers which were otherwise beyond their pocket. It is interesting that it was felt necessary to establish a reform association, as this was clearly a reaction to the foundation of the Conservative Operative Society:

the political clergymen and their satellites take a good deal of pains to wheedle the Radicals and ‘unwashed' artisans; but the people of Haworth are too shrewd to be gulled by them … They know how to distinguish between those who are but moderate or partial Reformers, and those who are no Reformers at all, but conservators of all abuses and abominations.
³⁷

Patrick's reaction to the decision to send an anti-church rate petition to Parliament in the name of the inhabitants of Haworth was apparently one of great anger, if the hostile
Bradford Observer
is to be believed.

The church parson and his curate have been in a dreadful state of excitement ever since. On last Sabbath morning one of them commenced a fierce attack upon all Dissenters; and in the afternoon both of those meek-spirited clergymen let loose a whole volley of vulgar abuse, in a double lecture in the church, to the great consternation of the congregation. It is feared they are both in a rabid state; some say they believe if any one had challenged the old gentleman that he would have
fought
, for he declared that he cared for no man or woman, and made great professions of valour. And the young
potato eater
is really boiling with rage, and offering the most frightful menaces to the whole race of dissenters.
³⁸

Hodgson was the more fiery of the two and undoubtedly gave the morning sermon attacking Dissenters. He had already written a provocative letter to the
Leeds Intelligencer
, trumpeting the fact that on Sunday, 26 February, he and Patrick between them baptized seventy-two children, followed by a further sixty over the next two days. For so many baptisms to take place on the eve of the introduction of civil registration, which would allow Dissenters to perform their own baptisms, marriages and burials, was proof, in Hodgson's eyes, that they actually preferred the services of the Established Church.
³⁹

Political tensions in Haworth heightened over the next few months. The Tory Guardians of the Poor, William Thomas, Robert Ogden and Nathan Ogden, all withdrew their names from the list of guardians because of their opposition to the Poor Law Amendment Act. Branwell drew up their public declaration and noted on it that the Conservative Committee not only supported them but also would refuse to put up any other Tory candidates in the forthcoming elections for parish officers as a means of expressing their ‘most decided
Abhorrence
of this Unjust Tyrannical Unconstitutional and unintelligible Act'. The Dissenting and Whig/Radical constables of Haworth had no hesitation in putting forward their own names as candidates and, being all large manufacturers, were said to have threatened their workpeople with instant dismissal if they did not vote for them. The constables then called the election meeting for midday on Easter Monday in the church vestry. This was a move calculated to cause trouble, for the church service on that day always began at twelve o'clock and the sermon was usually preached by the vicar of Bradford, to whom Haworth traditionally had to pay substantial church rates.
⁴⁰

In the event, wiser counsels prevailed. The Reverend Henry Heap sensibly absented himself for the first time since he had taken up his post as vicar of Bradford, pleading ill health. Patrick successfully persuaded the constables to adjourn the meeting to the Sunday school after the service and took the chair himself. The meeting, which had to appoint all the new parish officials, lasted four hours but did not degenerate into an unseemly row. Patrick's ‘able, patient, and impartial conduct' as chairman was unanimously appreciated in a vote of thanks, prompting the
Leeds Intelligencer
to add its own eulogy.

though he is far advanced in years, and has suffered much from ill health, [he] displayed his pristine energies and faithfulness. That his life and services in his place may be long continued, is the fervent prayer of every churchman, to which every dissenter, who has the cause of religion at heart, will not fail to add his hearty Amen.
⁴¹

The Baptists in Haworth did not share this view. Both Winterbotham and Moses Saunders were prominent in organizing a petition from the whole of the parish of Bradford to Government ministers, demanding the abolition of church rates. So strong was the depth of feeling it raised that it eventually secured 19,700 signatures.
⁴²
On the morning of a great meeting
in Bradford in connection with this petition, there was an incident which the
Bradford Observer
gleefully reported as ‘a specimen of Church conservatism'. The Haworth band and a number of ‘“bonny Haworth” lads' were walking to the meeting when they were overtaken by ‘a Haworth
blue
on horseback' who deliberately rode into their midst. Several men were knocked down and injured, one so seriously he had to be left behind on the roadside. ‘This outrage', the
Bradford Observer
darkly opined, ‘was planned by a little party of fierce & malignant Tories, with a sion [sic] of the Church at their head, who chuckled vastly at the success of their plot'.
⁴³
Whether or not Branwell was the actual perpetrator of the incident, the Baptists had no difficulty in seeing his hand in the matter.

Patrick relied on more peaceable means, continuing his campaign against the Poor Law Amendment Act through the newspapers. On 17 April, he wrote a powerful and emotive letter to the
Leeds Intelligencer
, calling on all men to do their duty and seek its repeal. ‘Petition, remonstrate, and resist
powerfully
but
legally'
, he urged. ‘We have religion, reason, justice and humanity, on our side, and by these we are determined to stand or fall.'
⁴⁴
Not for the first time in his career, his appeal fell on deaf ears and the provisions of the Act were to remain in force throughout his lifetime and beyond.

Perhaps because he had incurred such virulent opposition and personal invective during this period, William Hodgson decided that the time had come for him to leave Haworth. Patrick was dismayed at the prospect of losing his curate and rallied to his defence, drawing up a requisition which was a testament to the standing Hodgson had already achieved among the Anglican congregation.

We the undersigned inhabitants of Haworth … being fully satisfied with your faithful and diligent services, both in the desk, pulpit, Sunday School, and parish, earnestly desire (if you can see it to be the path of duty pointed out by Providence) that you would continue in your present situation for another year, at least, or as long as you conveniently can. And at the same time we wish to state it is our hope and belief that, notwithstanding trade is depressed, your subscription will be conducted in a spirit, similar to that which gave rise to it, last year.

To this Patrick added a note stating that the 236 signatures to the requisition, which included his own and Branwell's, had been collected in a few
hours only and that he was convinced that all the church people of the chapelry would sign it, if given the opportunity. Unfortunately for Patrick, Hodgson had been offered the post of vicar of Christ Church at Colne so there was no real prospect of him remaining in Haworth. He signed the registers as curate for the last time on 11 May 1837
⁴⁵
and then crossed over the moors into Lancashire to take up his first and last incumbency. In the short time he had been at Haworth, this colourful and lively young man had been Patrick's right-hand man; he would be sorely missed, particularly as it was to take nearly two years before a replacement could be found. Patrick had once more to shoulder the whole burden of parish duties at a time when he was busier than ever campaigning on a wider stage.

The turmoil in Haworth culminated in the election campaign which took place in the summer. King William IV died on 20 June 1837 and, in consequence, Parliament was dissolved and a general election called. Haworth, despite its comparatively small size, was dignified by visits from at least two of the main candidates. On 17 July, the Tory James Stuart Wortley spoke at the hustings there and, surprisingly, ‘had a patient and quiet hearing', though when questioned by a Radical on his opinion of the Poor Law Amendment Act his views did not come up to those professed by his committee and friends, who included the Brontës, father and son.
⁴⁶
Three days later, the Whig candidate, Lord Morpeth, arrived, obliging Patrick to put off an invitation to tea with the Taylors at Stanbury.

As Lord Morpeth is coming to Haworth, tomorrow evening at four O'Clock and Miss Branwell and my Children, wish to see and hear him – and it is likely that there will be a good deal of drunkness, and confusion on the roads, I must request that you will excuse us, for not accepting your kind invitation –
⁴⁷

Patrick was being modest when he said that his family only wished to hear Lord Morpeth, for he took a prominent role in the proceedings himself. The son of the Haworth tailor has left us a vivid account of that day.

Elections at Haworth in those days were very violent affairs … The Tories, or ‘Blues', were very few in number, and dared hardly show their faces. On this occasion the platforms for the two parties were erected nearly opposite each other, the Liberals being located against a laithe which stood on the now open space in front of the Black Bull Inn. The vicar and his son Branwell were on the
‘Blue' platform … The Liberals were there in great numbers. Robert Pickles, a noted politician, having brought a considerable body from the outskirts. When Mr Brontë began to question Lord Morpeth a regular ‘hullabulloo' was set up. Branwell, in his impetuous way, rushed to the front crying, ‘If you won't let my father speak, you shan't speak'.
⁴⁸

Another contemporary said that Branwell first became publicly known at this election, not only for this intervention but also because, as Secretary for the Conservative Committee of the District, he displayed his great abilities, ‘notably his powers of conversation & the facility with which he wrote with either hand or with both at one time'. Certainly Branwell made himself conspicuous, so much so that he became the object of revenge.

After that election Branwell's effigy, bearing a herring in one hand and a potato in the other, in allusion to his nationality, was carried through the main street of Haworth and afterwards burned. Branwell witnessed the procession from a shop in the village.
⁴⁹

The Brontës' efforts were unavailing; Lord Morpeth was returned for the West Riding and Lord Melbourne and his Whig ministry took up office once more.

Apart from the single instance of attending the election hustings, the tumultuous events in Haworth seem to have passed the Brontë sisters by. There is no reference to them in any of Charlotte's letters and, unlike the election of 1835, they were not reflected in Angria or Gondal. Indeed, Charlotte seems to have deliberately clung to quite a different view of Haworth. One dull Saturday afternoon at Roe Head, she amused herself by conjuring up a vision of home.

Remembrance yields up many a fragment of past twilight hours – spent in that little unfurnished room – There have I sat on the low bed-stead my eyes fixed on the window, through which appeared no other landscape than a monotonous stretch of moorland, a grey church tower, rising from the centre of a church-yard so filled with graves, that the rank-weed & coarse grass scarce had room to shoot up between the monuments. Over these hangs in the eye of memory a sky of such grey clouds as often veil the chill close of an October day & low on the horizon glances at intervals through the rack the orb of a lurid & haloed moon.
⁵⁰

Emily's view of Haworth was equally remote from what was actually going on. Despite the fact that she was at home and therefore in the thick of things, she seems to have been oblivious to all but the narrow confines of life in the parsonage and the wider expanse of her own imagination. The diary paper she wrote with Anne on 26 June, Branwell's twentieth birthday, is startling evidence of the lack of impact the outside world had upon her.

Monday evening June 26 1837

A bit past 4 o'Clock Charolotte working in Aunts room Branwell reading Eugene Aram to her Anne and I writing in the drawing room – Anne a poem beginning ‘fair was the evening and brightly the sun – I Agustus Almedas life 1st vol – 4th page from the last a fine rather coolish thin grey cloudy but Sunny day Aunt working in the little Room papa gone out. Tabby in the Kitchin – the Emperors and Empresses of Gondal and Gaaldine preparing to depart from Gaaldine to Gondal to prepare for the coranation which will be on the 12th of July Queen Victoria ascended the throne this month. Northangerland in Monceys Isle – Zamorna at Eversham. all tight and right in which condition it is to be hoped we shall all be on this day 4 years at which time Charollote will be 25 and 2 months – Branwell just 24 it being his birthday – myself 22 and 10 months and a peice Anne 21 and nearly a half I wonder where we shall be and how we shall be and what kind of a day it will be then let us hope for the best

Emily Jane Brontë – Anne Brontë
⁵¹

Under the diary note, Emily drew a rough, labelled sketch of herself and Anne sitting at the table with ‘The Papers' and ‘The Tin Box' in which they were stored strewn across its surface. In this, as in her other diary papers, Emily deliberately drew only a back view of herself as if the sketch was done by someone standing a few paces behind her. Her own face is concealed; that of Anne is a blank. Below the sketch, Emily reported the conversation that evidently followed its completion.