Carnal Isræl: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culture (51 page)

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Authors: Daniel Boyarin

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BOOK: Carnal Isræl: Reading Sex in Talmudic Culture
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of reproduction, is its major emphasis.
4
All that we have read in this book until now of rabbinic Judaism strongly supports the commonplace that reproduction was a site of central, vital significance in the rabbinic culture, with genealogy serving as a crucial source of meaning. In Bakhtin's account, the grotesque body is the very triumph of life over death:
It is the people's growing and ever-victorious body that is "at home" in the cosmos. It is the cosmos' own flesh and blood, possessing the same elemental force but better organized. The body is the last and best word of the cosmos, its leading force. Therefore it has nothing to fear. Death holds no terror for it. The death of the individual is only one moment in the triumphant life of the people and of mankind, a moment indispensable for their renewal and improvement.
(341)
In this chapter I wish to focus on the cultural dynamics of a talmudic text in which the thematics of the grotesque are obsessively present, as in Rabelais. The biography of the holy Rabbi El'azar the son of Shim'on in the Babylonian Talmud (Baba Metsia 83b85a) is surely one of the strangest of "hagiographies" in the literature. With only the slightest gestures toward plot-level consistency, the text consists of a series of incidents whose dominant feature is that they nearly all deal with the body of the subject, and the text is further interrupted by stories about the bodies of other Rabbis. I propose that this is a text about male bodies, sexuality, and reproduction and, moreover, that it is a text that manifests enormous anxiety about the reproduction of men in the rabbinic culture. On the one hand, the text brilliantly corroborates Bakhtin's reading of the grotesque as powerfully, centrally involved with the reproductive body and thus with reproduction, but on the other hand, this text will show not the body that has nothing to fear but the body in terror and anxiety.
4. Previous scholarly work on this text has generally focused on determining the so-called "kernel of [historical] truth" that the text is alleged to preserve. Other work has challenged the kernel-of-truth model. Shamma Friedman (1985 and 1989), Meir (1988), and Yassif (1990, 11419) all challenge the dominant historical interpretations. All of these studies advance our understanding of the redaction of these texts and of their formal literary properties. Although none attempts to deal with them as culturally significant documents, the work they do is a necessary prelude to the present analysis, for according to the dominant paradigm in
Science of Judaism
research (the nineteenth-century paradigm still prevalent in Jewish studies, though receding in the last decade), the stories were not understood as literary documents at all but
mirabile dictu
as more or less accurate historical chronicles. Friedman's studies challenge the historical-research paradigm particularly directly.
 
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The fabula of the narrative runs as follows:
Rabbi El'azar the son of Shim'on is appointed to catch Jewish thieves for the Roman government. Rabbi Yehoshua the Bald meets him and calls him by the insulting epithet "Vinegar, son of Wine," implying that he is a most unworthy son of a great father. He defends his actions somewhat disingenuously. When, however, a certain laundry man refers to him by the same designation, he becomes furious and has the man arrested. After calming down, he feels regretful and goes to have the man released but does not succeed. Standing under the crucified laundry man, he begins to cry, whereupon a passing Jew sees him and says that he should not be concerned, for the crucified one and his son had both had intercourse with a married woman on the Day of Atonement, thus committing several capital crimes. The Rabbi rejoices and placing his hands on his guts, says, "Be joyful, my guts. If you are so accurate when you have no certain information, imagine how accurate you are when you are certain. I am certain that neither rot nor worms will ever prevail over you." In spite of this expression of self-assurance, the text tells us, the Rabbi was still not certain, so he actually tests the claim that his guts are impervious during his lifetime, by having several basketsful of fat removed from his stomach with their blood vessels and placed in the sun to see if they rot (which they don't). After some significant "digressions," which I will be treating at length later on, the story continues by telling us that the Rabbi, still unsure of himself, takes upon himself a penance that results in illness such that every morning sixty felt mats soaked with blood and pus are removed from beneath his body. His wife, fearing the other Rabbis' reprobation of her husband, prevents him from attending the House of Study, until finally, disgusted by his ascetic behavior, she leaves him. He then returns to the rabbinic community, where his first activity is to permit sex for sixty doubtful menstruants, leading to the birth of sixty male children who are named after him. His wife returns to him (though we are never told when, how, or why) and upon his death, he tells her that the other Rabbis are still angry with him and will mistreat his corpse, which should be left in the attic, where it does not rot for twenty years or so. Finally, one day a worm is seen exiting from the ear of the corpse. The Rabbi's father communicates from beyond the grave that he would like his son buried beside him, and after some further misadventures his desire is fulfilled, and the corpse is buried. We have then some codas to the story which, as we shall see, powerfully amplify its meaning.
 
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on sex and reproduction, are all stigmatized as "carnal" by the Father. This accusation against the Jews, that they are indisputably carnal, was a topos of much Christian writing in late antiquity.
I propose in this book to account for this practice of Augustine and the others who characterize the Jews as carnal, indeed to assert the essential descriptive accuracy of the recurring Patristic notion that what divides Christians from rabbinic Jews is the discourse of the body, and especially of sexuality, in the two cultural formations. I will also explore the consequences of that difference for the construction of gender and other aspects of social life in the Judaism of the Rabbis who produced the talmudic literature and their followers.
3
Although in many modern accounts the difference between "Jewish" and "Christian" discourses of sexuality has been homogenized into a putative Judaeo-Christian tradition, Peter Brown, one of the leading modern interpreters of the Church Fathers, regards the fundamental difference between Christianity and ''Judaism" as having to do with the body and sex in the two cultures:
The division between Christianity and Judaism was sharpest in this. As the rabbis chose to present it, sexuality was an enduring adjunct of the personality. Though potentially unruly, it was amenable to restraintmuch as women were both honored as necessary for the existence of Israel, and at the same time were kept from intruding on the serious business of male wisdom. It is a model based on the control and segregation of an irritating but necessary aspect of existence. Among the Christians the exact opposite occurred. Sexuality became a highly charged symbolic marker precisely because its disappearance in the committed individual was considered possible, and because this disappearance was thought to register, more significantly than any other human transformation, the qualities necessary for leadership in the
(footnote continued from the previous page)
to living Jews at all. It is important to emphasize that the term
rabbinic Judaism
refers not to the Judaism practiced by Rabbis but to the Judaism practiced by Rabbis and by those who considered the Rabbis their spiritual authority.
3. I am well aware that this very formulation already raises serious theoretical and epistemological issues, not all of which I am able to control. Who were the followers of the Rabbis? What does it mean to speak of their social life? If we speak of the "culture" as misogynistic (or as not misogynistic), what does this mean, or rather, to whom are we referring? To the men, the women, the elites, hoi polloi? What would it mean, indeed, to call any culture misogynistic? Are we ignoring the existence of women as part of the culture, or assuming that they are victims of false consciousness and themselves have internalized misogyny? I shall try to avoid the most obvious traps of my discourse, without, however, any real confidence that this will always be possible.
 
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