Dante Alighieri (10 page)

    
⁴⁶
Perhaps it was at this period that Dante, if the tradition mentioned by Buti (in his comment on
Inf
. xvi. 106, and
Purg
. xxx. 42) is to be accepted, joined for a time the Franciscan Order. This tradition is held by some to be confirmed by Dante's reference in the
Inferno
(xvi. 106-8) to the cord with which he was girt, the cord being one of the distinctive marks of the Franciscans, who were hence known as
Cordeliers
. Some see a further confirmation of the tradition in the facts that Dante speaks of the Sun as the “image of God” (
Convivio
, iii. 12, 1. 54) as did St. Francis; and that Statius, on meeting Dante and Virgil in Purgatory, gives them the Franciscan salutation, to which Virgil returns the recognized countersign (
Purg
. xxi. 12-15). It has also been suggested in the same connexion that Dante derived his explanation of the fall of the rocks in Hell (
Inf
. xii. 1-45; xxi. 112-14) from the Franciscan legend, that the chaotic rocks of La Vernia, where St. Francis received the
stigmata
, were upheaved by the earthquake at the Crucifixion.

    
⁴⁷
Born in 1270 at Pistoja, where he died in 1336 or 1337.

    
⁴⁸
See pp. 45, 159.

    
⁴⁹
The whole canzone is translated by D. G. Rossetti in
Dante and his Circle
(pp. 184-6), whose version of the concluding portion is printed above. The original is printed by Carducci in
Rime di M
.
Cino da Pistoja
, Florence, 1862 (pp. 9-12).

    
⁵⁰
See below, p. 107.

    
⁵¹
See above, p. 45.

    
⁵²
Printed by Carducci,
op
.
cit
. pp. 4-5; translated by Rossetti,
op
.
cit
. p. 183.

    
⁵³
See Carducci,
op
.
cit
. pp. 103, 106, 108, 116, 117.

    
⁵⁴
Sonnets
xxxiv, xlvi, in the Oxford Dante.

    
⁵⁵
Epist
. iv. (see below, p. 248).

    
⁵⁶
C. 1255-1300.

    
⁵⁷
See P. Ercole:
Guido Cavalcanti e le sue Rime
, Livorno, 1885 (pp. 313, 318, 319-20, 322, 324-5).

    
⁵⁸
Translated by Rossetti,
op
.
cit
. p. 161. For the original, see Ercole,
op
.
cit
. pp. 324-5.

    
⁵⁹
See below, p. 71.

    
⁶⁰
Forese died in July, 1296.

    
⁶¹
See above, p. 39.

    
⁶²
On this
tenzone
, which is printed in the third edition (1904) of the Oxford Dante (pp. 179-80), see Del Lungo,
Dante ne
'
tempi di Dante
, pp. 437 ff. A translation of four sonnets of the
tenzone
is given by Rosetti,
op
.
cit
. pp. 243-5.

    
⁶³
Purgatorio
, xxiii, 115-17.

    
⁶⁴
From the title of D. G. Rossetti's picture of the subject.

    
⁶⁵
Son
. xxxii.; translated by Rossetti,
op
.
cit
. p. 143.

    
Military service—War with Arezzo—Battle of Campaldino—Victory of Florentine Guelfs—Buonconte da Montefeltro—Siege of Caprona—“Quomodo sedet sola civitas !”

O
F Dante's life outside the limits of the
Vita Nuova
, during his first twenty-five years, we get occasional glimpses, which show that, however deeply absorbed he may have been in his devotion to Beatrice, he was yet no “love-sick idler”. We find him taking his share in the active duties of family life, and as a patriotic citizen bearing the burden of military service in the field on behalf of the State. In a document dated 1283 (the same year in which he records his first public salutation from Beatrice) his name appears, as the representative of the Alighieri family, in a matter of business which had been left unsettled at the death of his father.
¹
Dante at this time was eighteen, and, both his father and mother being dead, according to Florentine usage was of age. Six years later, we are told, he took part in the war which had broken out in 1287 between Florence and Arezzo, and was present, fighting on the side of the Florentine Guelfs, at their great victory over the Aretines at Campaldino on 11 June, 1289. If we are to accept as authentic the fragment of a
letter preserved by one of his biographers,
²
this was not Dante's first experience in the field ; he confesses, nevertheless, that he was at first greatly afraid, but at the end felt the greatest elation, according to the shifting fortunes of the day.

    
This battle of Campaldino was an event of no little importance in the history of Florence. If the Aretines had been victorious the position of the Florentine Guelfs would have been seriously endangered. As it was, the result was a crushing blow to the Ghibellines of Tuscany, who had made Arezzo their headquarters, whence during the past few years they had repeatedly raided the Florentine territory. In June, 1287, the Aretines, with the help of the exiled Ghibellines from Florence, expelled the Guelfs from their city, whereupon the Florentines, in alliance with the other Guelfs of Tuscany, declared war against Arezzo, and in June of the following year sent a strong expedition into their territory, which ravaged the country right up to the city walls. The Sienese contingent of this expedition, however, rashly allowed themselves to be intercepted by the Aretines, who surprised them and cut them to pieces, the Sienese losing more than 300 killed and wounded. This success greatly elated the Aretines, and proportionately discouraged the Florentine Guelfs and their allies,
who were still further discomfited by the news of the expulsion of the Guelfs from Pisa, and of the imprisonment of the Guelf leader, Ugolino della Gherardesca, who in the following March
was put to death in the Tower of Famine.
³
Not long after this (at the beginning of May) Charles II of Anjou passed through Florence on his way to Rome to be crowned King of Naples in succession to his father. After spending three days in Florence, amid great rejoicings, he set out to continue his journey towards Siena. “And when he was departed news came to Florence that the Aretine forces were making ready to enter the Sienese territory in order either to intercept or to bring shame upon Prince Charles, who had only a small escort of men-at-arms. Immediately the Florentines sent out their cavalry, consisting of the flower of the citizens of Florence and of the mercenaries who were in the city, to the number of eight hundred horsemen, together with three thousand foot, to escort the said Prince; and when the Aretines heard of it they did not dare to go against them. And the Florentines asked the Prince to appoint them a captain of war, and to allow them to carry the royal standard to battle, and the Prince granted it, and he knighted Aimeri of Narbonne, a man very noble and brave, and cunning in war, and gave him to them for their captain. And Aimeri, with his troop of about one hundred horsemen, returned to Florence together with the Florentine force.”
⁴

    
No sooner were the Florentines returned home than it was decided without loss of time to send a strong force to attack the Aretines, in order to exact retribution for their continued ravages in the territories of Florence and of the allied Guelfs. On 2 June, 1289, the host marched out,
with the Guelf banners and the royal standard of King Charles flying, and the bells sounding; “and there were assembled sixteen hundred horsemen and ten thousand foot, whereof six hundred horsemen were citizens of Florence, the best armed and the best mounted that ever went out even from Florence, and four hundred mercenaries together with the men-at-arms of the captain, M. Aimeri, in the pay of the Florentines; and from Lucca there were an hundred and fifty horsemen; and from Prato forty horse and foot; from Pistoja sixty horse and foot; and from Siena an hundred and twenty horsemen; and from Volterra forty horsemen; and from Bologna their envoys with their men-at-arms; and from San Miniato and from San Gemignano, and from Colle, there came horse and foot from each place; and Maghinardo of Susinana,
⁵
a good and wise captain of war, came with his men from Romagna. And the said host being assembled, they descended into the plain of Casentino, laying waste the lands of Count Guido Novello, who was Podestà of Arezzo. And when the Bishop of Arezzo heard of this, he and the other Ghibelline captains, among whom were many of renown, determined to come with all their force to Bibbiena to prevent its being laid waste; and they were eight hundred horsemen and eight thousand foot, all picked men; and among them were many wise captains of war, the flower of the Ghibellines of Tuscany, and of the March,
⁶
and of the Duchy,
⁷
and of Romagna, all of them experienced in arms and warfare. And they challenged the Florentines to battle, having no fear, although the Florentines had twice as many horsemen as they, but they despised them,
saying that they tricked themselves out and combed their tresses like women, laughing at them and holding them of no account. And the Florentines having joyfully accepted the gage of battle, the two hosts by common consent drew up their ranks and faced each other in battle array, more perfectly ordered on both sides than ever were hosts in Italy before this time; and the field of battle was on the plain at the foot of Poppi, in the district called Certomondo, for so the place is named, and a church of the Franciscans which is close by, and the plain is called Campaldino. And this was Saturday morning, the eleventh of June, on the day of St. Barnabas the Apostle.”
⁸

    
Among the Florentine horsemen, according to the account of Leonardi Bruni,
⁹
was Dante, “who fought vigorously on horseback in the front rank, where he was exposed to very grave danger; for the first shock of battle was between the opposing troops of horse, in which the Aretine cavalry charged the Florentine horsemen with such fury, that they were borne down, broken and routed, and driven back upon the foot-soldiers.” This rout of the Florentine cavalry was the cause of the defeat of the Aretines, whose victorious horsemen pursued the fugitives so far that their own foot-soldiers were left unsupported; consequently the Florentines, having rallied their horse, were enabled to crush first the Aretine cavalry and then their foot. Villani gives a detailed account of this important battle—important to us, owing to Dante's presence, in a manner in which no one at that time could have foreseen—and of the miraculous way in which the tidings of the victory were brought to Florence.

    
“M. Aimeri and the other captains of the Florentines drew up their troops in good order, setting an hundred and fifty of the best in the host to fight in the front,
¹⁰
of whom twenty were new-made knights, dubbed on the field. And M. Vieri de' Cerchi being one of the captains, and being lame of his leg, he would not on that account be excused from fighting in the front: and it falling to him to make the choice for his Sesto,
¹¹
he would not lay this burden on any who did not desire it of his own free will, but chose himself and his son and his nephews. And this thing was counted to him as of great merit; and after his good example, and for very shame, many other noble citizens set themselves in the fore-front of the host. And when this was done they flanked each wing with light-armed infantry, and crossbow-men, and foot-soldiers with long lances; and the main body to the rear of the forefront was also flanked by foot-soldiers; and in the rear of all was the baggage drawn up so as to support the main body, outside of which were stationed two hundred horse and foot of the Lucchese and the Pistojans and other allies; the captain of these was M. Corso Donati, at that time Podestà of Pistoja, whose orders were, if needful, to take the enemy in flank.

    
“The Aretines on their side ordered their troops skilfully, inasmuch as they had, as we have said, good captains of war among them; and they set a strong body to fight in the front, to the number of three hundred, among whom were chosen twelve of the chief leaders, whom they styled the twelve paladins.
¹²
And each side having adopted
their war-cry, the Florentines ‘Nerbona' and the Aretines ‘San Donato,' the fore-front of the Aretine horsemen advanced with great daring at full speed to charge the host of the Florentines, and their remaining ranks followed close behind, except that Count Guido Novello, who was in command of a troop of an hundred and fifty horse for a flank attack, did not venture to join battle, but stood his ground, and then took to flight to his own territory.
¹³
And the charge and attack of the Aretines against the Florentines was to the end that, being confident in their prowess, they might by their bold stroke break the Florentines at the first onset, and put them to flight. So great was the shock that the most part of the Florentine fore-front were unhorsed, and the main body was thrust back some way across the field, but for all that they were not dismayed nor thrown into confusion, but received the enemy steadily and bravely; and with the foot-soldiers drawn up on either flank they closed in on the enemy, fighting desperately for a good while. And M. Corso Donati, who was in charge of the reserve of Lucchese and Pistojans, and had been ordered to stand fast, and not to attack, under pain of death, when he saw the battle begun, said like a brave man: If we lose, I will die in the battle with my fellow-citizens; and if we win, let him come who will to Pistoja and exact the penalty; and he boldly moved out his troop, and took the enemy in flank, and was the main cause of their rout.