David the Prince - Scotland 03 (61 page)

Scotland, left in the care of the Chancellor, the Great Constable, the Bishop of St. Andrews and others, was in a fair enough state, with abbey and church building proceeding, the diocesan, parish and burgh systems being steadily set up, justiciars making their presence felt. David sent new forces southwards, to relieve many of his host who would be itching to return for their harvesting - many indeed had quietly left the occupying army without anybody's leave. Touring some of the country, to show his presence and to reassure any anxieties, he made his way south-westwards to Caer-luel. All the time he was waiting for word from Henry, ready to turn and head for Durham and the Tees again, at short notice.

It was, in fact, a quite unexpected courier who brought the news he had been awaiting, to Caer-luel, no less than another Papal Legate, one Alberic, Bishop of Ostia. Visiting northern monarchs on behalf of Pope Innocent, he had been persuaded by Stephen's Queen Matilda— the daughter of David's younger sister Mary - to act mediator. He announced that King Stephen could not possibly come north to Durham to treat, being heavily involved with the uprising in the west, where the Empress Maud had now landed and was holding Bristol; also there was another rising in East Anglia. But he, the Legate, was empowered to treat on King Stephen's behalf.

This was almost better than David could have hoped for, better than Stephen's own unreliable presence. Terms arranged through and involving the Pope's representative would be much more likely to be fulfilled than otherwise. Moreover he could put terms to the Legate which Stephen might have been unable to accept, face-to-face, but which he might well be persuaded to agree thereafter.

So Bishop Alberic was sent off with David's demands, with instructions to return in due course to Durham, with the answers in the form of signed and sealed documents, charters and confirmations, each paper to be countersigned by the Legate. There was to be no mistake this time.

David went back to Dunfermline to wait. Any waiting at Durham would be done by the Legate. When eventually couriers reached him that Alberic was indeed across Tees again, he set sail from Inverkeithing, Dunfermline's port, in the fine ship he himself had gifted to Dunfermline Abbey, for trading ventures. With the prevailing north-westerly winds, he was at the mouth of Tees in two days.

The Legate brought back practically all that David had stipulated. Stephen had been prepared to agree to almost anything, in the circumstances; and while no doubt he would resile where and when he could, this time he had been forced to put everything under the Great Seal of England, in his need to get rid of the threat in the North. Cumbria and Northumbria were to be part of the Scottish realm, no longer mere English earldoms held by Henry. It was agreed that de Meschin had no remaining authority in Cumbria, and de Vesci none in Northumbria save for the lordship of his own personal fief of Alnwick. The two royal castles of Newcastle-upon-Tyne and Bamburgh were to remain the English Crown's possession but under Scots suzerainty. The English Crown no longer claimed paramountcy over Scotland, with the admission that this had been the merest device. On his part, David promised not to claim any territory south of Tees and Ribble, nor to seek nor accept the crown of England - which Stephen seemed to believe was a possibility.

David was content - with this progress, at least. He did not think that Stephen would occupy his throne for much longer. He had now gained for Scotland what his forefathers had fought in vain for, and which would be difficult for Stephen's successors to take away again — although they would almost certainly try. It would serve.

As they watched the Legate's party ride away from Durham, the Scots were able to turn to happier matters. Whilst David had been back in Scotland, Hervey de Warenne had established contact with his eldest brother, now Earl of Surrey. He was a prominent Maud supporter and had been up in Yorkshire rallying aid for the Empress amongst his vassals in the great de Warenne estates there. Hervey had taken the opportunity, during the lull, to visit him at Richmond, on the Swale. There he had found another two brothers also, Robert, now Earl of Leicester and Hugh, Earl of Bedford, as well as his two sisters - all, he recognised, keeping well away from entanglement in hostilities. Later, since Richmond was only a dozen miles from their main Scots base on the Tees, he had taken Henry and Hugo on a visit. And young Henry had straightway fallen headlong in love with the younger sister, the Lady Ada. Apparently the esteem was mutual, and marriage became more or less taken for granted. The young woman was lively, spirited and talented, if not beautiful. David, when he met her, was much taken with her, acclaiming his son's choice. She would, one day, make a good queen for Scotland, he decided. And she had three English earls for brothers, another Count de Meulan in Normandy, and her mother kin to the King of France. So now it was decided that Ada, with her brothers Hervey and Robert, should join the King of Scots and his party on their return to Scotland, to be wed to Henry at Dunfermline Abbey. It would be the final and excellent outcome of a strange campaign.

* * *

Alas for such.hopes. The wedding took place amidst much rejoicing — but the final outcome of David's embroilment in England was not yet, even though campaigning was scarcely the word for it. He left that to the Empress, for as long as he might, arguing that she and her party had done nothing to warrant his further active participation in her affairs, with himself indeed practically the only one who had hitherto taken his oath of support seriously. For some eighteen months thereafter Maud and her adherents did their own campaigning without Scots help — with varying success, with England divided roughly down the centre, the west for the Empress, the east for Stephen; not the Saxon English, of course
, who had no interest in either,
only the Normans, both sides of which savaged the country with equal ferocity in their spleen and in efforts to provide the sinews of war. That Maud gradually gained the upper hand was more on account of Stephen's follies and unpopularity than out of any superior military genius, strategy or ability. Nobles switched sides with bewildering rapidity, offended by one rival or the other. Loyalty became a meaningless term, with families as split as the realm itself. Even Henry, Bishop of Winchester, Stephen's own brother, came over to Maud's side; and the Earl of Surrey, Ada's eldest brother, went over to Stephen. Looking on it all from afar, David minded his own business and was thankful to keep out.

He spent much of his time at Caer-luel, strengthening the castie and turning the town into a fortified walled city, in the recognition that, whoever won the struggle in England, if Scotland was to keep Cumbria, Caer-luel would require to be a strong bastion.

Then, in February 1141, came tidings that not only had Stephen lost a major battle at Lincoln but that he had been captured and was now in chains in Bristol Castle's dungeons. It seemed that at last there was decision. All opposition seemed to have collapsed. Maud moved to Winchester, her father's and grandfather's old capital, and summoned a great assembly of all Normans, nobles and bishops, which duly elected her Queen. And from Winchester she wrote inviting her Uncle David to come to Westminster Abbey to attend her coronation.

He could scarcely refuse, reluctant as he was. The more he heard of this niece of his, the less he liked it. But as fellow-monarch and kinsman, liking scarcely entered into it.

In early November, with only a small company, he rode south, intending to make his visit as brief as possible. Henry remained behind, pointing out that he had taken an oath of fealty to Stephen for Huntingdon, and whilst that man remained a prisoner, he could not decently attend his rival's enthronement. Besides, Ada was expecting a baby.

David arrived at Winchester to find all in renewed turmoil. Earl William of Surrey had been treated with contumely by Maud — as she was treating many, in her arrogance - and had made a gesture of his own, by capturing Maud's own brother, Robert of Gloucester, and offering to exchange him for Stephen. Extraordinary as it seemed, the new Queen had agreed; and now Stephen was free again, admittedly having promised to leave England. But instead of heading for the Channel and France, he had turned northwards, with Surrey, calling for the war to be resumed.

Profoundly wishing that he had not come, David was for returning home. But Maud would have none of it. She was going ahead with her coronation in London, and the least her uncle could do was to attend her there. With dire forebodings, he went along.

That coronati
on never took place, the London mob being otherwise minded. Stephen, it transpired, was no further away
than Oxford, where his Queen Mati
lda, loyal and capable, with Surrey, had collected an army. Stephen had always made a point of favouring the Londoners, excepting them from his savageries, and now this policy paid off. The city was in an uproar, and Maud and her company were forced into ignominious flight, David with them, a humbling procedure.

They returned to Winchester.

But there conditions had changed. Bishop Henry had reverted to his former allegiance and declared for his brother Stephen, holding the town and royal castle-palace against Maud. She and her supporters decided to besiege it - since it held what was left of the kingdom's treasure - although David advised against any such time-consuming activity, in the circumstances. He also declared that he was going home to Scotland forthwith. Unfortunately, before he could
ride, news was brought that Mati
lda's and Surrey's army had moved south-westwards swiftly and now almost totally surrounded them and Winchester, Normans deserting to it from all quarters.

A kind of panic ensued, Maud's forces disintegrating, every man for himself. David was utterly disgusted; but felt that he could not desert his now desperate niece in her extremity, at least until she was out of danger, however powerless he was to help.

Curiously enough it was David's less than enthusiastic or effective support which did save Queen Maud in this particular situation. For in making a secret dash to win through the enemy lines, in the early December dusk, managing to dodge a large grouping led of all people by the Earl Simon de St. Liz of Northampton, become a Stephen supporter, they ran into a lesser patrol under one of the Earl's vassals, David Olifard byname. This young man was son to Walter Olifard whom David had much befriended
when he
was acti
ng Earl of Northampton. The son had not forgotten - indeed he was named after David. Although he had no use for Maud, he was not going to act captor to the King of Scots - and David prevailed upon him at least to let Maud and a few of her attendants go free. He escorted them to a point where they might safely make their escape.

Here was the parting of the ways, David determined to head north for Scotland, Maud west for Bristol. They made a hurried and unemotional leave-taking - for Maud was not one to inspire affection any more than loyalty. David put it to young Olifard then that he might suffer for this evening's work -which the other did not deny. So the King told him that if he and any of his men cared to escort him to Scotland, he could promise him and them sufficient reward, lands and position. No great persuasion was required. In the fluid state of loyalties and the certainty of continuing strife in England, Scotland may have seemed like a haven of peace and promise indeed. David had acquired a useful new subject as well as an escort.

After that it was merely long and hard riding. David did not exactly take a vow never to set foot in England again, but it was almost that. Unless they attacked him, the English could conduct their affairs without further involvement of the King of Scots. Enough was enough.

Part Four

32

How
was a
man to speak to God when face to face with the death of his only and beloved son? God had faced this situation Himself, of course, eleven hundred years before; but He presumably had the comforting knowledge that the Son would rise again in three days time. David had no such expectation or hope. The priests said to pray - as though he had not been praying for days and nights on end. They also advised him to say, 'Thy will be done'. How could he, how could he, in God's own name, when it was Henry who lay there fitfully breathing his last - and this time no St. Malachy O'Moore to come and drive out Satanicus who was slowly and steadily choking him?

The King, kneeling beside his son's bed, beat his clenched fists on the blankets. Unfair, unjust! He, who had tried so hard, sought ever to do God's work, built a dozen abbeys and cathedrals to His glory, worshipped and praised Him all his days. Other men had sons amany; he, the King, only this one. And now the physicians said that he could not live more than another hour or so. After weeks of racking sickness, inability to keep food in his stomach, Henry's strength was wholly gone. He would not see the dawn, all agreed.

Was it punishment for sins? His own sins, not Henry's - for Henry had been almost unnaturally sinless. But he,
he
had taken the sword, led armed hosts against the very Body and Blood of Christ Himself- however unjust it seemed that Thurstan should have raised such against him. He had been the cause of death of thousands, all those years ago. Was this the price to be paid, in God's chosen time? His own mother had died believing herself condemned for her sins - the blessed Margaret. Edgar also. As for Alexander who could tell what he believed? Was there a curse on their house? If so, why not on himself? Why on Henry . . . ?