Early Modern England 1485-1714: A Narrative History (89 page)

22
Quoted in Heal and Holmes,
The Gentry in England and Wales
p. 140.

23
R. Gough,
The History of Myddle,
ed. D. Hey (Harmondsworth, 1981).

24
The Autobiography of Richard Baxter,
ed. N. H. Keeble (London, 1974), p. 6.

25
Quoted in B. Coward,
The Stuart Age: England, 1603–1714,
2nd ed. (London, 1994), p. 79 (parishioners sleeping); and D. Underdown,
Fire From Heaven: The Life of an English Town in the Seventeenth Century
(New Haven, 1992), p. 81.

26
Quoted in Palliser,
Age of Elizabeth,
p. 94.

27
Quoted in Palliser,
Age of Elizabeth,
p. 92.

28
Quoted in Williams,
The Later Tudors,
p. 513. In popular mythology, horns grew on the heads of cuckolds, i.e., husbands whose wives were committing adultery.

29
Quoted in P. A. Fideler,
Social Welfare in Pre-Industrial England
(Basingstoke, 2006), p. 77. Much of this section is indebted to this work.

30
This paragraph follows C. Roberts and D. Roberts,
A History of England,
vol. 1,
Prehistory to 1714,
2nd ed. (Englewood Cliffs, N. J., 1985), p. 304.

31
Surviving but fragmentary court records suggest that prosecutions were rising to about 1620. But this may reflect the increasing amount of criminal legislation and growing responsibilities and competence of JPs, constables, etc., as much as it does a real increase in actual wrongdoing on the part of the English people. See J. A. Sharpe,
Crime in Early Modern England, 1550–1750,
2nd ed. (London, 1999), esp. chap. 2.

32
Tudor Parliaments imposed the death penalty on rioters, damagers of property, clippers of coins, nocturnal hunters, and witches.

33
One could only do this once and anyone who had escaped civil punishment in this way would be branded or, later, transported to the colonies.

34
Quoted in Palliser,
Age of Elizabeth
, p. 365.

35
Woolrych, Britain in Revolution, p. 43.

36
Quoted in P. Clark, “The Alehouse and the Alternative Society,” in
Puritans and Revolutionaries,
ed. D. Pennington and K. Thomas (Oxford, 1978), p. 47. This and the following paragraph are based upon this article and P. Clark,
The English Alehouse: A Social History
(London, 1983).

37
Additional legislation followed in 1563 and 1604. All such statutes were repealed in 1736.

38
Only one section of K. Thomas,
Religion and the Decline of Magic
(New York, 1971) was devoted to witchcraft. A 1991 conference and resulting book reevaluated Thomas’s interpretation in light of further work: see
Witchcraft in Early Modern Europe: Studies in Culture and Belief,
ed. J. Barry, M. Hester, and G. Roberts (Cambridge, 1996).

39
Figures derived from S. Inwood,
A History of London
(London, 1998), pp. 158–9. Note the discussion of the difficulties in estimating London’s population.

40
Quoted in Coward,
Stuart Age
, 2nd ed., p. 31.

41
The following paragraphs are based upon E. A. Wrigley, “A Simple Model of London’s Importance in Changing English Society and Economy 1650–1750,”
Past and
Present
37 (1967): 44–70; amplified by the discussion in Inwood,
History of London,
pp. 157–61; and Williams,
The Later Tudors,
p. 164. Many of the phenomena Wrigley describes clearly began in or applied equally to the period covered by this chapter.

42
Quoted in Inwood,
History of London
, p. 204.

7 The Early Stuarts and the Three Kingdoms, 1603–1642

1
Unlike the first Mary or Elizabeth, James was proclaimed in England as “James the first” to distinguish his English from his Scottish title.

2
L. Stone,
The Causes of the English Revolution, 1529–1642
(New York, 1972), p. 146. Of course, since he wrote, scientists have done just that; perhaps there is hope yet!

3
Quoted in S. Brigden, New Worlds, Lost Worlds: The Rule of the Tudors, 1485–1603 (New York, 2002), p. 163.

4
Quoted in B. Coward,
The Stuart Age: England, 1603–1714,
2nd ed. (London, 1994), p. 122.

5
Francis Osborne, quoted in E. S. Turner,
The Court of St. James’s
(London, 1959), p. 128. See additional contemporary comment in M. B. Young,
King James and the History of Homosexuality
(New York, 2000).

6
Select Statutes and Other Constitutional Documents Illustrative of the Reigns of Elizabeth and James I,
ed. W. G. Prothero (Oxford, 1913), pp. 293–5.

7
Form of Apology and Satisfaction (1604), quoted in Constitutional Documents of the Reign of James I, 1603–1625,
ed. J. R. Tanner (Cambridge, 1930), p. 222.

8
Quoted in Tanner, ed.,
Constitutional Documents
, p. 204.

9
Quoted in Tanner, ed.,
Constitutional Documents,
p. 221.

10
Quoted in D. M. Loades,
Politics and Nation: England, 1450–1660,
5th ed. (Oxford, 1999), p. 306.

11
Quoted in P. Croft,
King James
(Basingstoke, 2003), pp. 61–3.

12
In D. H. Willson,
James VI and I
(London, 1956), p. 171, quoted in R. Lockyer,
The Early Stuarts: A Political History of England, 1603–1642,
2nd ed. (London, 1999), p. 31.

13
Quoted in L. L. Peck, Court Patronage and Corruption in Early Stuart England (London, 1993), p. 13.

14
Thomas Wentworth, 1608, quoted in D. L. Smith,
The Stuart Parliaments, 1603–1689
(London, 1999), p. 108.

15
Salisbury may not have been a paragon of virtuous retrenchment himself, given that his prodigy house at Hatfield cost £40,000 and that he derived at least £17,000 per annum from the profits of office.

16
Quoted in A. G. R. Smith, The Emergence of a Nation State: The Commonwealth of England, 1529–1660 (London, 1984), p. 258.

17
Quoted in R. Lockyer,
James VI and I
(New York, 1998), p. 95.

18
Commons Protestation of December 18, 1621, in Tanner, ed.,
Constitutional Documents,
pp. 288–9.

19
He would become “Charles I” only at the accession of his son, Charles II (see chaps. 8–9).

20
J. Rushworth,
Historical Collections
(London, 1682), 1: 138, quoted in Lockyer,
The Early Stuarts
, p. 50.

21
Quoted in T. G. Barnes,
Somerset, 1625–40: A County’s Government During the “Personal Rule”
(Cambridge, Mass., 1961), p. 258.

22
Because he had it printed without a statute number and with his earlier exceptions to it, it is the “Petition” and not the Act of Right.

23
Letters of King James VI and I,
ed. G. P. V. Akrigg (London, 1984), p. 207, quoted in Lockyer,
The Early Stuarts,
p. 191.

24
February 24, 1629, quoted in Smith,
The Stuart Parliaments,
p. 118.

25
William Prynne quoted in R. Cust,
Charles I: a Political Life
(Harlow, 2005), p. 144.

26
Of course,
all
early modern sovereigns, excepting possibly Edward VI, ruled “personally,” by taking an active role in formulating government policy and, often, in executing it. What was thought to be new was the attempt to do so without any parliamentary advice or assistance.

27
The Parliamentary or Constitutional History of England
(London, 1763), 5: 178, quoted in Coward,
Stuart Age, 2nd
ed., p. 137.

28
Quoted in Coward,
Stuart Age
, 2nd ed., p. 195.

29
Quoted in A. Hughes,
The Causes of the English Civil War,
2nd ed. (Basingstoke, 1998), p. 164.

30
Quoted in M. Kishlansky,
A Monarchy Transformed: Britain, 1603–1714
(Harmondsworth, 1996), p. 146.

31
Quoted in A. Woolrych,
Britain in Revolution 1625–1660
(Oxford, 2002), p. 213, upon which this paragraph relies.

8 Civil War, Revolution, and the Search for Stability, 1642–1660

1
“Cavaliers,” from the Spanish
caballero
or horseman. It was originally a pejorative name for the courtly gallants, often of magnificent appearance but little money, who rallied to the king’s side.

2
“Roundheads” was a pejorative reference to London apprentices who protested the king’s policies in 1641. Apprentices, like all working people in England, tended, for practicality’s sake, to cut their hair short – hence “roundheads” – in contrast to courtiers who had the time and assistance of servants to dress long hair.

3
Quoted in J. Morrill,
Revolt in the Provinces: The People of England and the Tragedies of War, 1630–1648,
2nd ed. (London, 1999), p. 124.