Mary Tudor (8 page)
Authors: Linda Porter
The official line on Mary’s move was straightforward; Wales needed government: ‘forasmuch as by reason of the long absence of any Prince making continual residence either in the Principality of Wales or in the marches of the same, the good order, quiet and tranquillity of the countries thereabout’, it was claimed, had been ‘greatly altered and subverted’, and the administration of justice had suffered.
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The statement overlooked the reasons for the long absence, the lack of any prince of Wales for a generation. And there was ambiguity in Mary’s new responsibilities; the title of ‘Princess of Wales’ was never formally bestowed on her, though she was a Tudor and had more Welsh blood than any other prince sent to Wales, except for Prince Arthur himself. She was, though, often referred to as princess of Wales until 1533, and seems to have adopted that style herself.The move reinforced her position as Henry’s only legitimate child and his presumptive heir, but it did not mean that Henry was comfortable with the inevitability of her succession.
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The statement overlooked the reasons for the long absence, the lack of any prince of Wales for a generation. And there was ambiguity in Mary’s new responsibilities; the title of ‘Princess of Wales’ was never formally bestowed on her, though she was a Tudor and had more Welsh blood than any other prince sent to Wales, except for Prince Arthur himself. She was, though, often referred to as princess of Wales until 1533, and seems to have adopted that style herself.The move reinforced her position as Henry’s only legitimate child and his presumptive heir, but it did not mean that Henry was comfortable with the inevitability of her succession.
The international situation in the momentous year of 1525 had changed the balance of European power decisively in favour of the emperor, and Henry had ample reason to reflect on what this meant for his kingdom. In February, on the plains of northern Italy, Francis I of France suffered a crippling defeat by the imperial forces at the battle of Pavia. His army of 28,000 men was all but annihilated, and Francis himself taken as a prisoner to Madrid. He managed to negotiate his release, at the price of giving up all claims to Italy and sending his two eldest sons into an honourable captivity for several years, as hostages.This level of personal misfortune was something that Henry, for all his difficulties, would never know. Yet while the outcome was a triumph for Charles V, it did not necessarily sit well with the king of England. The rivalry between Charles and Francis suited him, allowing him to act as mediator and ensuring that he was courted by both sides. Now Charles, all at once disturbingly powerful, did not need him. The impact this would have on England was uncertain. It brought the absence of a male heir into sharp perspective once again.
Troubled by what might lie ahead, Henry decided to give both his children, the legitimate Mary and her half-brother, Henry Fitzroy, places in the administration of the realm. Katherine was appalled at this elevation of the king’s bastard son, who had been living quietly away from his now safely married young mother.
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Uncharacteristically, for she knew her husband and his likely reaction very well, the queen lost control of her emotions and let her displeasure be known.This outspokenness did not sit well with Henry or with Cardinal Wolsey, who had been charged with the supervision of young Henry Fitzroy’s upbringing. Disconcertingly, as far as Katherine was concerned,Wolsey was godfather to both Mary and young Henry.There was no love lost between the cardinal and the queen, who had spent much of Henry’s reign warily circling one another.The role of Henry Fitzroy was another area of conflict between them and, on this occasion, Katherine saw herself as the loser. Her perception was not necessarily correct, but the insult mattered a great deal to her at the time.
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Uncharacteristically, for she knew her husband and his likely reaction very well, the queen lost control of her emotions and let her displeasure be known.This outspokenness did not sit well with Henry or with Cardinal Wolsey, who had been charged with the supervision of young Henry Fitzroy’s upbringing. Disconcertingly, as far as Katherine was concerned,Wolsey was godfather to both Mary and young Henry.There was no love lost between the cardinal and the queen, who had spent much of Henry’s reign warily circling one another.The role of Henry Fitzroy was another area of conflict between them and, on this occasion, Katherine saw herself as the loser. Her perception was not necessarily correct, but the insult mattered a great deal to her at the time.
Of course, a nine-year-old girl and a six-year-old boy were not expected to execute power themselves, but they represented the king as important figureheads.Their wider educations, through observation and the association of their names with the exercise of authority, would also benefit. So, as Mary prepared to turn west, Bessie Blount’s son was given the double dukedom of Richmond and Somerset, created earl of Nottingham and Knight of the Garter and named as lord admiral of England. On 28 August 1525, with a larger retinue than Mary, he took up residence in Yorkshire as head of the Council of the North, an institution that had fallen into abeyance. Some may have seen in this an indication that Henry intended to make him his heir.They were reading too much into the situation, as it turned out. Henry put great stock in legitimacy. There was no precedent for an illegitimate son succeeding. It called into question the very institution of monarchy and Henry was a stickler for moral and legal principles when it came to the future of his throne and dynasty.
Mary was probably unaware of any of these developments.They had no direct impact on her own life or status as she knew it. She may not even have known of her younger brother’s existence at this stage. But Katherine of Aragon saw the boy as a threat. It could even have been her outburst against the elevation of the duke of Richmond which sealed Henry’s decision to separate her from Mary and let both of his children develop well away from the court. Mary does seem to have missed her mother initially, or, at least, to have been concerned about her welfare. She may have sensed the queen’s reluctance when they parted, as she certainly wrote swiftly, enquiring about her mother’s health and updating her on the progress with Richard Fetherstone. Her attentiveness gave Katherine some solace, as did the presence of Juan Luis Vives himself at court. But the queen’s isolation was growing and the separation from Mary only underlined this. Katherine realised she would need to adjust; yet she was pensive rather than despairing and saw no reason why, if she continued to show the forbearance she had uncharacteristically abandoned in the summer of 1525, all would not continue as before.
Early in August 1525 Mary and her senior household officers and councillors were gathered together at The More, Wolsey’s residence near Rickmansworth in Hertfordshire. Over lunch, their duties were outlined by the cardinal, rather as the board of a large business nowadays is briefed by its chief executive. Wolsey was responsible for all the arrangements and appointments for Mary’s new role, and he was keen to ensure that everyone understood what was expected of them. This would have included Mary herself, the centre of all this attention. On 12 August the princess and her retinue began their journey westward. It must have been an exciting moment in Mary’s life, as all the carts and provisions, the great servants and the humble ones - her affinity, as they were known - left Wolsey’s elegant home for parts of England that many had not seen before. Clad in Mary’s personal colours of blue and green, the princess’s retinue moved by easy stages to Thornbury, where they arrived on 24 August.
Although many appointees to Mary’s new household were already living in the Marches, her train was impressive. Certainly the household itself was greatly expanded, officially numbering 304 persons. Reestablished at the same time to undertake the practical business of government in Wales was a separate Council of Wales and the Marches, the counterpart of the young duke of Richmond’s Council of the North. Its president, John Veysey, bishop of Exeter, was already over 60 years old and better known for his courtliness than his spirituality.
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Mary, however, seems to have viewed him with favour. His delightful manners and love of ceremony probably appealed to her. Like many people who were with her in her childhood, he was not forgotten by her, and she made sure that he was restored to the bishopric of Exeter, from which he resigned during her brother’s reign, when she became queen. By that time he was approaching 90. As president of the council, Veysey had a substantial staff. He was supported by a chancellor, six lawyers and a secretary as well as the ceremonial posts of a herald, a pursuivant and two serjeants-at-arms. A suite of 41 personal servants was assigned to the council itself. In practice, there was a blurring of distinction between appointments; some of the leading members of Mary’s household acted as councillors themselves if the need arose for greater membership to deal with specific aspects of administration.
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Mary, however, seems to have viewed him with favour. His delightful manners and love of ceremony probably appealed to her. Like many people who were with her in her childhood, he was not forgotten by her, and she made sure that he was restored to the bishopric of Exeter, from which he resigned during her brother’s reign, when she became queen. By that time he was approaching 90. As president of the council, Veysey had a substantial staff. He was supported by a chancellor, six lawyers and a secretary as well as the ceremonial posts of a herald, a pursuivant and two serjeants-at-arms. A suite of 41 personal servants was assigned to the council itself. In practice, there was a blurring of distinction between appointments; some of the leading members of Mary’s household acted as councillors themselves if the need arose for greater membership to deal with specific aspects of administration.
How much Mary knew of the council’s day-to-day activities is impossible to say. It was what she represented which mattered.The experience of ceremonial and the ability to behave appropriately, to begin to create an image - these were all deemed to be important for Mary’s development. The many visitors who daily thronged her court in the Marches are testimony of the importance that local families attached to her presence among them. There were so many of these importuners that Veysey, only too well aware of Mary’s place in national life, became concerned by the potential threat to her health. Disease spread easily in crowded places in the warm summer days. But Mary stayed healthy and adapted well. If she missed her mother’s visits and the familiarity of the royal residences in the Home Counties, she did not show it. Nor would it have been wise to report any misgivings back to the court in London. Princesses were supposed to know their duty, and those who served them would be blamed if they fell short of the high standards expected. It was the countess of Salisbury’s task to make sure that the transition from London to the Marches was as smooth as possible. Mary’s welfare was the first consideration and Katherine of Aragon was comforted by the knowledge that her old friend was at her daughter’s side.
Initially, Mary would not have known the knights and minor noble - man of Wales who sought her favour, and most of the members of her large establishment were new faces. The most remarkable of these, in terms of a colourful past, was Mary’s chief lady-in-waiting, Lady Katherine Craddock. This Scottish-born noblewoman had been the wife of Perkin Warbeck, pretender to HenryVII’s throne. She could have opened Mary’s eyes to the fleeting nature of happiness and the uncertainty of the future but she had long since obliterated the memory of Perkin. Content now as the wife of a knight with substantial lands in Glamorgan, it is unlikely that she entertained the princess with her life story. She had once been a great beauty, but there were no children to inherit her looks. She and the countess of Salisbury had both known the fickleness of fortune but their job was to provide Mary with stability, not to raise the spectre that the course of her own life might not run smooth.
The most striking aspect of the three most senior members of Mary’s household in Wales is how old they were. Margaret Pole, Katherine Craddock and John Veysey had a combined age of 173. They were undoubtedly experienced and worthy but not, one would have thought, the most stimulating of company for a girl of nine.
Of the rest of Mary’s Welsh staff, only Katherine Pole, her former wet nurse, Alice Baker, one of her ladies, and Richard Sydnor, promoted to be treasurer of the chamber, had been with her since her birth. Her laundress, the Welshwoman Beatrice ap Rice, joined the household in 1519 and stayed with her throughout Mary’s life. The others were newcomers, about a quarter or more of them from Wales. Mary’s arrival was a godsend for these Marcher families, neglected for a generation, who had reason to see the princess as a good employer, as well as their liege lady. Within a year, the total expenses of Mary’s household and council, plus the upkeep of several palaces, ran to £4,500. Her presence in the Marches came at a high cost.
Mary’s daily life as the head of a large household was structured and not too onerous, regardless of how many lords seeking redress or favour besieged her courtyards and Presence Chamber. The frequent moves from one residence to the next might seem unsettling, but they were an accepted part of court life, and Mary had never known anything else. She did not expect to live in one place for more than a few months and often for no more than a few weeks.
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Location mattered far less than the familiar rhythm of day-to-day activity. Its focus was religious observance and her studies, as well as regular exercise, and relaxation, in the form of music or drawing. There was great emphasis on purity of body (in the form of attention to personal cleanliness) and spirit. The countess of Salisbury was explicitly directed that Mary must ‘at due times, serve God’.This meant the observance of the forms of traditional religion, the hearing of mass at regular intervals during the day and time spent in prayer and reading of scripture. The mass and prayer were the outward forms of religious observance that Mary shared with all her countrymen. They were the markers of daily life that had endured for centuries. Probably most people did not think about them too deeply and were not encouraged to do so.There was comfort in the familiarity of the great religious festivals and the processions that accompanied them, a kind of free entertainment for the ordinary people. All these holy days were observed in Mary’s household, which was untouched by any taint of religious controversy. There were undercurrents of discontent with the church in England, dismay at its power, wealth and worldliness and disgust at the ignorance and lax attitude of many parish priests. Mary knew little of this. Across the Channel, there was much more serious religious ferment, but it did not intrude into Mary’s upbringing. The countess of Salisbury, a devout woman herself, did not need to be told her duty.The princess’s spiritual development might be guided by her chaplains but behind them was Margaret Pole, the epitome of a Christian noblewoman, whose son Reginald, the future Cardinal Pole, had already committed his life to the Church. Mary did not really know this distant cousin then, but she would have heard about his progress from her lady governess, who was a proud mother.
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Location mattered far less than the familiar rhythm of day-to-day activity. Its focus was religious observance and her studies, as well as regular exercise, and relaxation, in the form of music or drawing. There was great emphasis on purity of body (in the form of attention to personal cleanliness) and spirit. The countess of Salisbury was explicitly directed that Mary must ‘at due times, serve God’.This meant the observance of the forms of traditional religion, the hearing of mass at regular intervals during the day and time spent in prayer and reading of scripture. The mass and prayer were the outward forms of religious observance that Mary shared with all her countrymen. They were the markers of daily life that had endured for centuries. Probably most people did not think about them too deeply and were not encouraged to do so.There was comfort in the familiarity of the great religious festivals and the processions that accompanied them, a kind of free entertainment for the ordinary people. All these holy days were observed in Mary’s household, which was untouched by any taint of religious controversy. There were undercurrents of discontent with the church in England, dismay at its power, wealth and worldliness and disgust at the ignorance and lax attitude of many parish priests. Mary knew little of this. Across the Channel, there was much more serious religious ferment, but it did not intrude into Mary’s upbringing. The countess of Salisbury, a devout woman herself, did not need to be told her duty.The princess’s spiritual development might be guided by her chaplains but behind them was Margaret Pole, the epitome of a Christian noblewoman, whose son Reginald, the future Cardinal Pole, had already committed his life to the Church. Mary did not really know this distant cousin then, but she would have heard about his progress from her lady governess, who was a proud mother.
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