Memory of Flames (26 page)

‘How can you ...?’

‘I’m coming to that! So Varencourt managed somehow to establish himself. His first life had been smashed to bits, but he had had the strength to make another one. And then in 1812, when the

Grande Armée launched its attack on Russia, his world was overturned once again. It’s not hard to imagine Charles de Varencourt’s state of mind. The Revolution that had destroyed his first life was now threatening him again, this time under the guise of the “Republican Empire”! The Russian campaign was like no other. As my friend said, we were there.’

The 84th of the Line!’ added Lefine. And we were there in the Great Redoubt of Moscow! Yes, Monsieur!’

‘When we arrived in Moscow, the city was not entirely empty. Almost all the Russian inhabitants had fled and some of the foreigners had been expelled beforehand by Count Rostopchin, the Governor-General, but there were still, amongst others, Italians, Russians of French origin, some French ... They told us that the Russians were suspicious of them and considered they were all spies and traitors. Several had received threats or insults or had been attacked. That’s what must have happened to Varencourt. He would have felt more Russian than French, since he hated imperial France. But that would not have prevented him from being mistreated. His friends would have stopped talking to him, people would have stopped coming for consultations ... The more our armies advanced the more virulent the anti-French demonstrations became. So what would you have done to prove your Russian patriotism? What steps would you have taken to calm the populace before it broke down your door to destroy your house, brutalise your family and yourself, or worse?’

To Palenier the answer was obvious. ‘I would have joined the army and gone in uniform to see all my friends and neighbours.’

Margont displayed the button. ‘And that’s exactly what he did. This is a Russian uniform button with the emblem of the Moscow militia on it.’

Lefine took the button out of his hand, beating Palenier to it. Yes, now he knew, it was obvious what it was.

‘How can you be sure it’s the Moscow militia?’ queried Palenier. ‘Because we would recognise that symbol anywhere - we were fired on by the militia continually!’ retorted Lefine. ‘All through the retreat and at the Battle of Berezina. That emblem was on the

militia’s toques, their felt hats, their helmets and their shakos. We told you, we took part in the Russian campaign!’

‘It’s this button that proves that Charles de Varencourt is indeed a doctor,’ explained Margont. ‘It’s not regulation. The uniform it’s from was certainly magnificent and so inevitably belonged to an officer. The lower ranks of the militia wore civilian clothes - pelisses or grey, green or beige greatcoats. The only sign that they were soldiers was the emblem on their headgear, their haversacks and their weapons — when they had any. The officers, on the other hand, did wear uniform. Varencourt had a sumptuous nonregulation uniform made for himself. That was tolerated in all armies, who were always happy to see their soldiers clothed at their own expense, especially militiamen, the outcasts of the military system. He wanted his uniform to be flashy - “Look at me! Now I’m an officer in the Moscow Opolchenie! So you see, I
 
am
 
loyal to Russia.” In Austria and in France it’s exactly the same -the militiamen who equip themselves are better regarded. No one really has any confidence in the French National Guard, although they do their best, but everyone reveres the guards of honour. The only difference between the two is that the latter are very well equipped, from their own pocket, and they wear showy uniforms like the hussars. So they have the right to all the honours and the Emperor has even included them in the Imperial Guard. I do accept that they have shown themselves to be full of courage.’ Palenier shook his head.

‘In view of what you’ve told us, it’s impossible that a Frenchman, established in Moscow for only a few years, would be promoted to officer rank, even for the purposes of fighting the French. A soldier, yes, but an officer...’

‘Only an officer has the right to a stylish uniform. No army would put up with their simple soldiers being better dressed than their superiors. There’s a reason that when Charles de Varencourt enrolled in the militia, the Russians would have been
 
obliged
 
to make him an officer. And the reason is, he’s a doctor! All European armies give doctors officer rank. There are no regulations that envisage ‘doctor soldiers’. And armies have terrible need of

doctors. They would have been glad to have him, especially as he would have been a non-combatant.’

Margont paused. He reflected that he had something in common with Varencourt. He was combative! Once more Varencourt had not given up in the face of adversity; he had not lamented his fate. He had confronted it head-on.

‘Varencourt thought he had found the perfect solution. Imagine him walking about Moscow, in his fabulous uniform, Russian solders coming to attention and saluting him as he passed ... It put him beyond reproach! I agree with you, Monsieur Palenier, I would also have gone to the neighbours who had insulted me and spat in their faces. And as I was enjoying the look on their pale features, I would have asked them when they were going to join the militia! Varencourt had become more Russian than the Russians! You have to remember the prevailing mood at that time. The Russians were convinced they were going to crush the Grande Armée and that the French would never succeed in reaching Moscow. We were already weakened by the long march, by fighting and by the constant harassment of the Cossacks, whilst our enemies had been strengthened by drawing together all the troops from all over their enormous country, as big as a continent. Varencourt went with the army, as he was obliged to do from then on. He would certainly have been present at the Battle of Borodino, since Moscow sent a good number of militiamen to swell the ranks of the Russian army just before that important encounter.’

Margont again paused. So Charles de Varencourt had already crossed his path. On
 
j
 
September 1812, in the thick of the battle, they might have been only yards apart, and those yards would have been strewn with corpses.

‘We won and the Russian army received the order to retreat. Later, the prisoners told us that when they heard the order, the Russian soldiers almost mutinied. They wanted to continue fighting; they were refusing to abandon Moscow. Varencourt would assuredly have agreed with that view. But the withdrawal was imposed on them. The Russian army withdrew back through Moscow. When the population saw what they were doing, people understood that

the city was being abandoned to its fate. Rostopchin ordered an evacuation of the city, and all those who had not already done so hastily fled. The soldiers were given very strict instructions: anyone leaving the ranks faced the death penalty. A short truce had been concluded, on condition that the Russian army crossed Moscow “without stopping for an instant”, to use the Emperor’s exact words. And in any case, Kutusov, the commander-in-chief of the Russian army, did not want half his soldiers disappearing in Moscow to find their families. Perhaps that’s what Varencourt would have wanted to do. But he followed the army. He didn’t know that Moscow was going to be burnt, and that his wife could not leave the city because she was pregnant.’

‘How do you know she was?’ demanded Lefine.

‘When I spoke to the abortionist, she repeated what Catherine de Saltonges had told her. Apparently she had said, just before her abortion, “Fate is conspiring to kill his children before they are born.” Charles de Varencourt’s wife must have been close to giving birth, so would not have been able to walk or to be transported for several days in a cart. Either Varencourt was unaware of his wife’s condition, or he wanted to desert but didn’t succeed and escaped the firing squad because doctors were so much in demand.’ Palenier knew that he was missing some pieces of the puzzle, but he wanted to interrupt Margont as little as possible. For once he had stumbled on an investigator who did not persist in keeping all his discoveries to himself. If Margont continued to divulge information at this rate, they would both receive a nice promotion! When someone is climbing, hold tight to their coattails; when someone is falling, let go of them as quickly as possible. That was Palenier’s philosophy.

Margont went on with his explanations. The tragedies of Charles de Varencourt’s life seemed to cast a shadow over his own face. ‘Moscow burnt, and his wife and unborn child died in the fire. That’s the wife that Varencourt has never left, to quote Catherine de Saltonges. It’s also possible that other members of his family-in-law stayed with his wife - her parents, for example - and so also perished. Now we can begin to understand Varencourt a little

better. We can see how he would think constantly about fire. Moscow tipped him over the edge. For the second time his universe was wiped out, pulverised, literally reduced to cinders. Except this time he didn’t try to make a third life. He decided to seek vengeance. He came back to France and got himself admitted to the Swords of the King. He proposed a ridiculously daring and immoderate plan: to assassinate Napoleon. Just that. The Swords of the King must have laughed at him, taken him for a madman. But he developed his idea. Precisely and methodically. Fernand, you know the rest. The plan convinced the group’s committee who were, for the most part, fanatics. They were so enthusiastic, in fact, that they admitted Varencourt to their circle. The Swords of the King were following several courses of action and it made sense to have Charles de Varencourt take charge of the assassination plan. He played the role of the traitor who was willing to sell out his friends. That was how he would get to know the investigator assigned by Joseph, whose identity he planned to steal. It was also he who assassinated Colonel Berle. The burns give him away. The committee had agreed that he should kill Berle, but he could not resist mutilating the body with fire. That proves he was alone when he committed the crime. An accomplice would never have let him do such a thing and would have told Vicomte de Leaume about his behaviour. The group knew that Charles de Varencourt killed Berle and that he had left their symbol as agreed. But the Swords of the King most certainly did not know about the mutilations.’

‘So that’s why he killed Count Kevlokine!’ exclaimed Palenier. ‘How could he avenge the Moscow fire unless he found a way of harming the Russians? After all, the Russians were to blame for the whole thing!’

What was striking about Palenier was his ability to sustain a lie with such conviction that it was almost believable. The Russians blamed the French totally for the destruction of Moscow, but the French - Palenier, for example - blamed the Russians. In fact they were both equally to blame. Obviously if the French had not attacked Russia, the ancient capital would not have been destroyed.

But Napoleon would certainly never have given an order to burn the city because he wanted to make peace with the Tsar, and also because he needed the city intact so that the Grande Armée could rest and recuperate there.

Margont had been in Moscow when the fire broke out. In common with other soldiers he had seen the arsonists at work: Russian police in civilian clothes and prisoners and enemy aliens freed specially to help. But fire engines? All taken away by order of Rostopchin, the Governor-General of Moscow. And fire barges? Sabotaged and burnt. Rostopchin seemed to have acted on his own initiative, not on the orders of Alexander I, who adored the city and never stopped lamenting its destruction. Rostopchin had decided to pursue the scorched-earth policy that had worked so well for the Russians up until then, but he pushed it to the extreme. The fire of Moscow caused such a hue and cry that Rostopchin denied what he had done. He swore that the French and some Russian thieves and other criminals were responsible, that the soldiers of the Grande Armée had pillaged the houses and set them alight, either from drunken high spirits or by accidentally knocking over candles. Such things had happened, but he refused to admit that hundreds of fires had been started by Russians and that the water pumps had been deliberately suppressed. Only he had the necessary authority to give those orders and make sure they were carried out effectively. Margont knew a great deal about it. He had almost been burnt alive in Moscow, along with Lefine, Saber, Piquebois and Jean-Quenin! So he had taken care to find out everything after the event.

The causes of the fire of Moscow were the talk of the salons throughout Europe. Everyone had an opinion, according to whether they supported the French or the Russians. Ironically, Margont found himself in the same boat as Charles de Varencourt; they were both surviving victims. Of course, Margont hadn’t lost nearly as much as the man he was after. But he could appreciate the profound effect the fire had had on him. Russians, French, allies of the French (most of whom were now allies of Russia): they were all to blame.

To avenge the fire of Moscow he would have to find a way of harming the French and the Russians,’ corrected Margont, giving Palenier a furious look. Varencourt had made common cause with the royalists. But Varencourt was acting for personal, not political reasons. To such an extent that he was quite prepared to betray his allies by using them to find out where Count Kevlokine lived so that he could murder him. Count Kevlokine had been murdered for the sins of Count Rostopchin - they were both friends of the Tsar, close friends. Now Napoleon was going to pay for the sins of... Napoleon.

He pictured the Moscow fire. Burning for four days. And then the aftermath. Four-fifths of the city destroyed, twenty thousand dead. Those thousands and thousands of flames had left behind a spark that still burnt today, eighteen months later, fanned by Charles de Varencourt. It had travelled across one thousand five hundred miles to reach Paris with one sole ambition: to burn up Napoleon. The flames’ return ...