Montcalm and Wolfe: The Riveting Story of the Heroes of the French & Indian War (51 page)

1
Bougainville,
Journal
.

2
Circulaire du Marquis de Montcalm,
25
Juillet,
1757.

3
Guerre du Canada, par le Chevalier de Lévis
. This manuscript of Lévis is largely in the nature of a journal.

1
État de l’Armée Française devant le Fort George, autrement Guillaume-Henri, le
3
Août,
1757.
Tableau des Sauvages qui se trouvent à l’Armée du Marquis de Montcalm, le
28
Juillet,
1757. This gives a total of 1,799 Indians, of whom some afterwards left the army.
État de l’Armée du Roi en Canada, sur le Lac St. Sacrement et dans les Camps de Carillon, le
29
Juillet,
1757. This gives a total of 8,019 men, of whom about four hundred were left in garrison at Ticonderoga.

2
The site of the present village of Bolton.

1
Lettre du Père Roubaud,
21
Oct
. 1757. Roubaud, who saw the whole, says that twelve hundred Indians joined the chase, and that their yells were terrific.

2
The remains of Fort William Henry are now—1882—crowded between a hotel and the wharf and station of a railway. While I write, a scheme is on foot to level the whole for other railway structures. When I first knew the place the ground was in much the same state as in the time of Montcalm.

3
Lettre du Père Roubaud
.

1
Précis des Événements de la Campagne de
1757
en la Nouvelle France
.

2
État des Effets et Munitions de Guerre qui se sont trouvés au Fort Guillaume-Henri
. There were six more guns in the entrenched camp.

3
Frye,
Journal of the Attack of Fort William Henry
.
Webb to Loudon,
1
Aug
. 1757.
Ibid
., 5
Aug
. 1757.

Notes - 10

1
Copy of four Letters from Lieutenant-Colonel Monro to Major-General Webb, enclosed in the General’s Letter of the fifth of August to the Earl of Loudon
.

2
“The number of troops remaining under my Command at this place [
Fort Edward
], excluding the Posts on Hudson’s River, amounts to but sixteen hundred men fit for duty, with which Army, so much inferior to that of the enemy, I did not think it prudent to pursue my first intentions of Marching to their Assistance.”
Webb to Loudon,
5
Aug
. 1757.

Notes - 11

1
Bougainville,
Journal
.

Notes - 12

1
Frye, in his
Journal,
gives the letter in full. A spurious translation of it is appended to a piece called
Jugement impartial sur les Opérations militaires en Canada
.

Notes - 13

1
Bougainville,
Journal
.
Bougainville au Ministre,
19
Août,
1757.

2
Now (1882) the site of Fort William Henry Hotel, with its grounds. The hollow is partly filled by the main road of Caldwell.

3
Frye,
Journal
.

Notes - 14

1
Attestation of William Arbuthnot, Captain in Frye’s Regiment
.

2
Bougainville au Ministre,
19
Août,
1757.

3
Bougainville,
Journal
.

Notes - 15

1
Affidavit of Miles Whitworth
. See
Appendix F
.

Notes - 16

1
This is stated by Pouchot and Bougainville; the latter of whom confirms the testimony of the English witnesses, that Canadian officers present did nothing to check the Indians.

2
See note, end of chapter.(
notes - 17
)

3
Belknap,
History of New Hampshire,
says that eighty were killed. Governor Wentworth, writing immediately after the event, says “killed or captivated.”

Notes - 17

1
The foregoing chapter rests largely on evidence never before brought to light, including the minute
Journal
of Bougainville,—a document which can hardly be commended too much,—the correspondence of Webb, a letter of Colonel Frye, written just after the massacre, and a journal of the siege, sent by him to Governor Pownall as his official report. Extracts from these, as well as from the affidavit of Dr. Whitworth, which is also new evidence, are given in
Appendix F
.
The Diary of Malartic and the correspondence of Montcalm, Lévis, Vaudreuil, and Bigot, also throw light on the campaign, as well as numerous reports of the siege, official and semi-official. The long letter of the Jesuit Roubaud, printed anonymously in the
Lettres Édifiantes et Curieuses,
gives a remarkably vivid account of what he saw. He was an intelligent person, who may be trusted where he has no motive for lying. Curious particulars about him will be found in a paper called
The deplorable Case of Mr. Roubaud,
printed in the
Historical Magazine, Second Series,
VIII. 282. Compare Verreau,
Report on Canadian Archives,
1874.
Impressions of the massacre at Fort William Henry have hitherto been derived chiefly from the narrative of Captain Jonathan Carver, in his
Travels
. He has discredited himself by his exaggeration of the number killed; but his account of what he himself saw tallies with that of the other witnesses. He is outdone in exaggeration by an anonymous French writer of the time, who seems rather pleased at the occurrence, and affirms that all the English were killed except seven hundred, these last being captured, so that none escaped (
Nouvelles du Canada envoyées de Montréal, Août,
1757). Carver puts killed and captured together at fifteen hundred. Vaudreuil, who always makes light of Indian barbarities, goes to the other extreme, and avers that no more than five or six were killed. Lévis and Roubaud, who saw everything, and were certain not to exaggerate the number, give the most trustworthy evidence on this point. The capitulation, having been broken by the allies of France, was declared void by the British Government.
The Signal of Butchery
. Montcalm, Bougainville, and several others say that the massacre was begun by the Abenakis of Panaouski. Father Martin, in quoting the letter in which Montcalm makes this statement, inserts the word
idolâtres,
which is not in the original. Dussieux and O’Callaghan give the passage correctly. This Abenaki band, ancestors of the present Penobscots, were no idolaters, but had been converted more than half a century. In the official list of the Indian allies they are set down among the Christians. Roubaud, who had charge of them during the expedition, speaks of these and other converts with singular candor: “Vous avez dû vous apercevoir...que nos sauvages, pour être Chrétiens, n’en sont pas plus irrépréhensibles dans leur conduite.”

XVI

A
W
INTER OF
D
ISCONTENT

Boasts of Loudon · A Mutinous Militia · Panic · Accusations of Vaudreuil · His Weakness · Indian Barbarities · Destruction of German Flats · Discontent of Montcalm · Festivities at Montreal · Montcalm’s Relations with the Governor · Famine · Riots · Mutiny · Winter at Ticonderoga · A desperate Bush-fight · Defeat of the Rangers · Adventures of Roche and Pringle

Loudon, on his way back from Halifax, was at sea off the coast of Nova Scotia when a despatch-boat from Governor Pownall of Massachusetts startled him with news that Fort William Henry was attacked; and a few days after he learned by another boat that the fort was taken and the capitulation “inhumanly and villanously broken.” On this he sent Webb orders to hold the enemy in check without risking a battle till he should himself arrive. “I am on the way,” these were his words, “with a force sufficient to turn the scale, with God’s assistance; and then I hope we shall teach the French to comply with the laws of nature and humanity. For although I abhor barbarity, the knowledge I have of Mr. Vaudreuil’s behavior when in Louisiana, from his own letters in my possession, and the murders committed at Oswego and now at Fort William Henry, will oblige me to make those gentlemen sick of such inhuman villany whenever it is in my power.” He reached New York on the last day of August, and heard that the French had withdrawn. He nevertheless sent his troops up the Hudson, thinking, he says, that he might still attack Ticonderoga; a wild scheme, which he soon abandoned, if he ever seriously entertained it.
¹

Webb had remained at Fort Edward in mortal dread of attack. Johnson had joined him with a band of Mohawks; and on the day when Fort William Henry
surrendered there had been some talk of attempting to throw succors into it by night. Then came the news of its capture; and now, when it was too late, tumultuous mobs of militia came pouring in from the neighboring provinces. In a few days thousands of them were bivouacked on the fields about Fort Edward, doing nothing, disgusted and mutinous, declaring that they were ready to fight, but not to lie still without tents, blankets, or kettles. Webb writes on the fourteenth that most of those from New York had deserted, threatening to kill their officers if they tried to stop them. Delancey ordered them to be fired upon. A sergeant was shot, others were put in arrest, and all was disorder till the seventeenth; when Webb, learning that the French were gone, sent them back to their homes.
¹

Close on the fall of Fort William Henry came crazy rumors of disaster, running like wildfire through the colonies. The number and ferocity of the enemy were grossly exaggerated; there was a cry that they would seize Albany and New York itself;
²
while it was reported that Webb, as much frightened as the rest, was for retreating to the Highlands of the Hudson.
³
This was the day after the capitulation, when a part only of the militia had yet appeared. If Montcalm had seized the moment, and marched that afternoon to Fort Edward, it is not impossible that in the confusion he might have carried it by a
coup-de-main
.

Here was an opportunity for Vaudreuil, and he did not fail to use it. Jealous of his rival’s exploit, he spared no pains to tarnish it; complaining that Montcalm had stopped half way on the road to success, and, instead of following his instructions, had contented himself with one victory when he should have gained two. But the Governor had enjoined upon him as a matter of the last necessity that the Canadians should be at their homes before September to gather the crops, and he would have been the first to complain had the injunction been disregarded. To besiege Fort Edward was impossible, as Montcalm had no means of transporting cannon thither; and to attack Webb without them was a risk which he had not the rashness to incur.

It was Bougainville who first brought Vaudreuil the news of the success on Lake George. A day or two after his arrival, the Indians, who had left the army after the massacre, appeared at Montreal, bringing about two hundred English prisoners. The Governor rebuked them for breaking the capitulation, on which the heathen savages of the West declared that it was not their fault, but that of the converted Indians, who, in fact, had first raised the war-whoop. Some of the prisoners were presently bought from them at the price of two kegs of brandy each; and the inevitable consequences followed.

“I thought,” writes Bougainville, “that the Governor would have told them they should have neither provisions nor presents till all the English were given up; that he himself would have gone to their huts and taken the prisoners from them; and that the inhabitants would be forbidden, under the severest penalties,
from selling or giving them brandy. I saw the contrary; and my soul shuddered at the sights my eyes beheld. On the fifteenth, at two o’clock, in the presence of the whole town, they killed one of the prisoners, put him into the kettle, and forced his wretched countrymen to eat of him.” The Intendant Bigot, the friend of the Governor, confirms this story; and another French writer says that they “compelled mothers to eat the flesh of their children.”
¹
Bigot declares that guns, canoes, and other presents were given to the Western tribes before they left Montreal; and he adds, “they must be sent home satisfied at any cost.” Such were the pains taken to preserve allies who were useful chiefly through the terror inspired by their diabolical cruelties. This time their ferocity cost them dear. They had dug up and scalped the corpses in the graveyard of Fort William Henry, many of which were remains of victims of the small-pox; and the savages caught the disease, which is said to have made great havoc among them.
²

Vaudreuil, in reporting what he calls “my capture of Fort William Henry,” takes great credit to himself for his “generous procedures” towards the English prisoners; alluding, it seems, to his having bought some of them from the Indians with the brandy which was sure to cause the murder of others.
³
His obsequiousness to his red allies did not cease with permitting them to kill and devour before his eyes those whom he was bound in honor and duty to protect. “He let them do what they pleased,” says a French contemporary; “they were seen roaming about Montreal, knife in hand, threatening everybody, and often insulting those they met. When complaint was made, he said nothing. Far from it; instead of reproaching them, he loaded them with gifts, in the belief that their cruelty would then relent.”
⁴

Nevertheless, in about a fortnight all, or nearly all, the surviving prisoners were bought out of their clutches; and then, after a final distribution of presents and a grand debauch at La Chine, the whole savage rout paddled for their villages.

The campaign closed in November with a partisan exploit on the Mohawk. Here, at a place called German Flats, on the farthest frontier, there was a thriving settlement of German peasants from the Palatinate, who were so ill-disposed towards the English that Vaudreuil had had good hope of stirring them to revolt, while at the same time persuading their neighbors, the Oneida Indians, to take part with France.
⁵
As his measures to this end failed, he resolved to attack them. Therefore, at three o’clock in the morning of the twelfth of
November, three hundred colony troops, Canadians and Indians, under an officer named Belêtre, wakened the unhappy peasants by a burst of yells, and attacked the small picket forts which they had built as places of refuge. These were taken one by one and set on fire. The sixty dwellings of the settlement, with their barns and outhouses, were all burned, forty or fifty of the inhabitants were killed, and about three times that number, chiefly women and children, were made prisoners, including Johan Jost Petrie, the magistrate of the place. Fort Herkimer was not far off, with a garrison of two hundred men under Captain Townshend, who at the first alarm sent out a detachment too weak to arrest the havoc; while Belêtre, unable to carry off his booty, set on his followers to the work of destruction, killed a great number of hogs, sheep, cattle, and horses, and then made a hasty retreat. Lord Howe, pushing up the river from Schenectady with troops and militia, found nothing but an abandoned slaughter-field. Vaudreuil reported the affair to the Court, and summed up the results with pompous egotism: “I have ruined the plans of the English; I have disposed the Five Nations to attack them; I have carried consternation and terror into all those parts.”
¹

Montcalm, his summer work over, went to Montreal; and thence in September to Quebec, a place more to his liking. “Come as soon as you can,” he wrote to Bourlamaque, “and I will tell a certain fair lady how eager you are.” Even Quebec was no paradise for him; and he writes again to the same friend: “My heart and my stomach are both ill at ease, the latter being the worse.” To his wife he says: “The price of everything is rising. I am ruining myself; I owe the treasurer twelve thousand francs. I long for peace and for you. In spite of the public distress, we have balls and furious gambling.” In February he returned to Montreal in a sleigh on the ice of the St. Lawrence,—a mode of travelling which he describes as cold but delicious. Montreal pleased him less than ever, especially as he was not in favor at what he calls the Court, meaning the circle of the Governor-General. “I find this place so amusing,” he writes ironically to Bourlamaque, “that I wish Holy Week could be lengthened, to give me a pretext for neither making nor receiving visits, staying at home, and dining there almost alone. Burn all my letters, as I do yours.” And in the next week: “Lent and devotion have upset my stomach and given me a cold; which does not prevent me from having the Governor-General at dinner to-day to end his lenten fast, according to custom here.” Two days after he announces: “To-day a grand dinner at Martel’s; twenty-three persons, all big-wigs [
les grosses perruques
]; no ladies. We still have got to undergo those of Péan, Deschambault, and the
Chevalier de Lévis. I spend almost every evening in my chamber, the place I like best, and where I am least bored.”

With the opening spring there were changes in the modes of amusement. Picnics began, Vaudreuil and his wife being often of the party, as too was Lévis. The Governor also made visits of compliment at the houses of the seigniorial proprietors along the river; “very much,” says Montcalm, as “Henri IV. did to the bourgeois notables of Paris. I live as usual, fencing in the morning, dining, and passing the evening at home or at the Governor’s. Péan has gone up to La Chine to spend six days with the reigning sultana [
Péan’s wife, mistress of Bigot
]. As for me, my
ennui
increases. I don’t know what to do, or say, or read, or where to go; and I think that at the end of the next campaign I shall ask bluntly, blindly, for my recall, only because I am bored.”
¹

His relations with Vaudreuil were a constant annoyance to him, notwithstanding the mask of mutual civility. “I never,” he tells his mother, “ask for a place in the colony troops for anybody. You need not be an Œdipus to guess this riddle. Here are four lines from Corneille:—

“‘Mon crime véritable est d’avoir aujourd’hui

Plus de nom que...[
Vaudreuil
], plus de vertus que lui,

Et c’est de là que part cette secrète haine

Que le temps ne rendra que plus forte et plus pleine.’

Nevertheless I live here on good terms with everybody, and do my best to serve the King. If they could but do without me; if they could but spring some trap on me, or if I should happen to meet with some check!”

Vaudreuil meanwhile had written to the Court in high praise of Lévis, hinting that he, and not Montcalm, ought to have the chief command.
²

Under the hollow gayeties of the ruling class lay a great public distress, which broke at last into riot. Towards midwinter no flour was to be had in Montreal; and both soldiers and people were required to accept a reduced ration, partly of horse-flesh. A mob gathered before the Governor’s house, and a deputation of women beset him, crying out that the horse was the friend of man, and that religion forbade him to be eaten. In reply he threatened them with imprisonment and hanging; but with little effect, and the crowd dispersed, only to stir up the soldiers quartered in the houses of the town. The colony regulars, ill-disciplined at the best, broke into mutiny, and excited the battalion of Béarn to join them. Vaudreuil was helpless; Montcalm was in Quebec; and the task of dealing with the mutineers fell upon Lévis, who proved equal to the crisis, took a high tone, threatened death to the first soldier who should refuse horse-flesh, assured them at the same time that he ate it every day himself, and by a characteristic mingling of authority and tact, quelled the storm.
³

The prospects of the next campaign began to open. Captain Pouchot had written from Niagara that three thousand savages were waiting to be let loose against the English borders. “What a scourge!” exclaims Bougainville. “Humanity groans at being forced to use such monsters. What can be done against an invisible enemy, who strikes and vanishes, swift as the lightning? It is the destroying angel.” Captain Hebecourt kept watch and ward at Ticonderoga, begirt with snow and ice, and much plagued by English rangers, who sometimes got into the ditch itself.
¹
This was to reconnoitre the place in preparation for a winter attack which Loudon had planned, but which, like the rest of his schemes, fell to the ground.
²
Towards midwinter a band of these intruders captured two soldiers and butchered some fifteen cattle close to the fort, leaving tied to the horns of one of them a note addressed to the commandant in these terms: “I am obliged to you, sir, for the rest you have allowed me to take and the fresh meat you have sent me. I shall take good care of my prisoners. My compliments to the Marquis of Montcalm.” Signed, Rogers.
³