Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939 (64 page)

43. Ben-Elissar,
La Diplomatie
, p. 251.

44. Hitler,
Reden und Proklamationen
, vol. 2, p. 899.

45. For the situation of the Jews in Italy before 1938 and for the 1938 laws, see, among others, Meir Michaelis,
Mussolini and the Jews: German-Italian Relations and the Jewish Question in Italy 1922–1945
(London, 1978), particularly pp. 152ff; Jonathan Steinberg,
All or Nothing: The Axis and the Holocaust 1941–1943
(London, 1990), pp. 222ff; Susan Zuccotti,
The Italians and the Holocaust: Persecution, Rescue, and Survival
(New York, 1987), pp. 28ff.

46. Michaelis,
Mussolini and the Jews
, p. 191.

47. For the situation of the Jews in Hungary before 1938 and for the laws of 1938 and 1939, see, among others, Randolph L. Braham,
The Politics of Genocide: The Holocaust in Hungary
, vol. 1 (New York, 1981), particularly pp. 118ff; Nathaniel Katzburg,
Hungary and the Jews: Policy and Legislation 1920–1943
(Ramat Gan, Israel, 1981), particularly pp. 94ff; Mendelsohn,
The Jews of East Central Europe
, pp. 85ff.

48. All details are taken from Georges Passelecq and Bernard Suchecky,
L’Encyclique cachée de Pie XI: Une occasion manquée de l’Église face à l’antisémitisme
(Paris, 1995). The full text of the encyclical is published for the first time in this study. Regarding Pius XI’s meeting with LaFarge and his instructions to him, see ibid., pp. 69ff.

49. Ibid., pp. 113ff.

50. Ibid., pp. 180–81.

51. Ibid., pp. 285ff.

52. Ibid., pp. 116ff., and particularly 138.

53. Ibid., pp. 139, 208.

54. Letter of State Secretary Zschintsch, 17.3.1938 (NG-1261) in Mendelsohn,
The Holocaust
, vol. 1, p. 75.

55. Michael P. Steinberg,
The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival: Austria as Theater and Ideology, 1890–1938
(Ithaca, N.Y., 1990), pp. 164ff.

56. Ibid., pp. 233ff.

57. Shirakawa,
The Devil’s Music Master
, p. 221.

58.
Deutsche Allgemeine Zeitung
, Nov. 4, 1937, Nationalsozialismus/1937 (misc.), LBI, New York.

59. SOPADE,
Deutschland-Berichte
5 (1938): 195–96. Strangely enough, in their all-encompassing propaganda effort, the Nazis did not make major use of film until the beginning of the war. Thus, during the second half of the thirties, the only anti-Semitic productions shown in German theaters were an adaptation of a Swedish comedy,
Peterson und Bandel
(1935), a merely allusive scene in the German film
Pour le mérite
(1938), and, finally, a minor anti-Jewish film,
Robert und Bertram
(1939). Dorothea Hollstein, “
Jud Süss” und die Deutschen: Antisemitische Vorurteile im nationalsozialistischen Spielfilm
(Frankfurt am Main, 1971), pp. 38ff.

60.
Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP
(abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 364.

61. Minister of Justice to State Prosecutors…, 24.2.1938, Reichsjustizministerium, Fa 195/1938, IfZ, Munich.

62. Memorandum, II 112, 28.3.38, SD Hauptamt, microfilm No. MA–554, IfZ, Munich.

63. See Adam,
Judenpolitik
, pp. 198–99. The seeming absurdity of this measure did not escape the victims: “Now we have also to turn in our passports,” noted Berlin Jewish physician Hertha Nathorff in her diary. “Jews are not allowed to have passports anymore. They are afraid that we might get across the border! But isn’t that what they want? Strange logic.” Wolfgang Benz, ed.
Das Tagebuch der Hertha Nathorff: Berlin-New York, Aufzeichnungen 1933 bis 1945
(Munich, 1987), p. 105.

64. For the text of the decree see Pätzold,
Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung
, p. 155.

65. Walk,
Das Sonderrecht
, p. 237.

66. Pätzold,
Verfolgung, Vertreibung, Vernichtung
, p. 159.

67. Christiane Hoss, “Die jüdischen Patienten in rheinischen Anstalten zur Zeit des Nationalsozialismus,” in Mathias Leipert, Rudolf Styrnal, Winfried Schwarzer, eds.,
Verlegt nach unbekannt: Sterilisation und Euthanasie in Galkhausen 1933–1945
(Cologne, 1987), pp. 67–68.

68. I owe this information to the late Amos Funkenstein.

69. Internal memorandum of the SD, August 29, 1938, regarding letter of Streicher to Himmler, July 22, 1938, and Rosenberg to Henlein, October 15, 1938, in Mendelsohn,
The Holocaust
, vol. 4, pp. 216–17.

70. Reich leadership of the NSDAP, Office for the Fostering of German Letters to SS-Hauptsturmführer Hartl, Gestapo Vienna, 17.6.1938; SD II 112 to Reich leadership of the NSDAP, Office for the Fostering of German Letters, 17.8.1939, SD Hauptamt, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich.

71. SS-Oberführer Albert to SS-Standartenführer Six, 18.1.39; SS-Standartenführer Six to SS-Oberführer Albert, 26.1.39, SD Hauptamt, microfilm MA–554, IfZ, Munich.

72. Mendelsohn,
The Holocaust
, vol. 4, p. 138.

73. Karl Winter to Rosenberg, 9.3.38, NSDAP, Hauptamt Wissenschaft, microfilm MA–205, IfZ, Munich.

74. Main Office for Science (NSDAP) to Karl Winter, 18.3.38, ibid.

75. Karl Winter to Rosenberg, 30.3.38, ibid.

76. Main Office for Science (NSDAP) to Karl Winter, 12.4.38, ibid.

77. Max Kreuzberger Research Papers, AR 7183, Box 8, Folder 9, LBI, New York.

78. Ibid.

79. Ibid.

80. Barkai,
From Boycott to Annihilation
, p. 114.

81. Walk,
Das Sonderrecht
, p. 223.

82. Ibid., p. 229. I am using the simplified translation of the law as presented in Hilberg,
The Destruction of the European Jews
, p. 82.

83. Walk,
Das Sonderrecht
, p. 232; Hilberg,
The Destruction of the European Jews
, pp. 83–84.

84. Walk,
Das Sonderrecht
, p. 234.

85. Hilberg,
The Destruction of the European Jews
, p. 84.

86. Walk,
Das Sonderrecht
, p. 234.

87. Ibid., p. 242. Seven hundred physicians were allowed to attend to the Jewish population as “caretakers of the sick” and two hundred lawyers were similarly authorized as “consultants.” See Arndt and Boberach, “Deutsches Reich,” p. 28. The procedure that enabled a Jewish lawyer to become a consultant—and the status of consultants—is analyzed in Lothar Gruchmann,
Justiz im Dritten Reich 1933–1949: Anpassung und Unterwerfung in der Ära Gürtner
(Munich, 1988), pp. 181ff.

88. Ibid., pp. 178–79.

89. Reich Chamber of Physicians to Ministry of Education, 3.10.38, Reichsministerium für Wissenschaft u. Erziehung, microfilm MA 103/1, IfZ, Munich.

90. Minister of Justice to Minister of Education…, 3.10.38, ibid.

91. Interior Minister to Minister of Education, 14.12.38, ibid.

92. Barkai,
From Boycott to Annihilation
, p. 129.

93. Hayes, “Big Business,” p. 266.

94. Ibid., p. 267.

95. See in particular Hilberg,
The Destruction of the European Jews
, pp. 60–90; Genschel,
Die Verdrängung
, mainly chap. 10; Barkai,
From Boycott to Annihilation
, p. 75.

96. Hilberg,
The Destruction of the European Jews
, p. 79.

97. Barkai,
From Boycott to Annihilation
, p. 118.

98. For the details of this affair and the supporting documentary evidence, see Wolf Gruner, “Die Reichshauptstadt und die Verfolgung der Berliner Juden 1933–1945,” in Reinhard Rürup, ed.,
Jüdische Geschichte in Berlin: Essays und Studien
(Berlin, 1995), pp. 238, 260–61.

99. None of this was apparently mentioned by Speer in his talks with Gitta Sereny. See Gitta Sereny,
Albert Speer: His Battle with Truth
(New York, 1995).

100. It was the first time that the SD had taken the initiative of arresting a large number of German Jews and sending them to concentration camps. Herbert,
Best
, p. 213.

101. For the text of the Gestapo memorandum and its historical context, see Wolf Gruner, “‘Lesen brauchen sie nicht zu können’: Die Denkschrift über die Behandlung der Juden in der Reichshauptstadt auf allen Gebieten des öffentlichen Lebens, von Mai 1938,”
Jahrbuch für Antisemitismusforschung
4 (1995): 305ff.

102. Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 3, p. 452.

103. Hugh R. Wilson to Secretary of State, June 22, 1938, in Mendelsohn,
The Holocaust
, vol. 1, pp. 139–40.

104. Fromm,
Blood and Banquets
, p. 274.

105. Undated SD report on the Evian Conference and the Berlin “Judenaktion,” SD-Hauptamt, microfilm MA 557, IfZ, Munich.

106. Wildt,
Die Judenpolitik des SD
, p. 57.

107. Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 3, p. 490.

108. Sybil Milton, “Menschen zwischen Grenzen: Die Polenausweisung 1938,”
Menora
(1990), pp. 189–90.

109. Carl Ludwig,
Die Flüchtlingspolitik den Schweiz in den Jahren 1933 bis 1945: Bericht an den Bundesrat zuhanden der eidgenössischen Räte
, Bern, 1957.

110. Conseil Fédéral, “Procès-verbal de la séance du 28 mars 1938,”
Documents Diplomatiques Suisses
, vol. 12 (1.1.1937–31.12.1938), ed. (under the direction of Oscar Gauye) Gabriel Imboden and Daniel Bourgeois (Bern, 1994), p. 570.

111. For all these details and for relevant documents see Ludwig,
Die Flüchtlingspolitik der Schweiz
, pp. 124ff.

112.
Documents Diplomatiques Suisses
, vol. 12, p. 938n. 5.

113. Quoted in Ben-Elissar,
La Diplomatic
, p. 286.

114. Reproduced in Arad, Guttman, Margalioth,
Documents on the Holocaust
, pp. 101–2.

115. See mainly Toury, “Judenaustreibung,” pp. 173ff.

116. Maier, District Office Überlingen, to the mayors of the district, 20.9.1938, Unterlagen betr. Entrechtung der Juden in Baden 1933–1940, ED 303, IfZ, Munich.

117. Milton, “Menschen zwischen Grenzen”; Trude Maurer, “Abschiebung und Attentat: Die Ausweisung der polnischen Juden und der Vorwand für die ‘Kristallnacht,’” in Pehle,
Der Judenpogrom 1938
, pp. 52ff.

118. Maurer, “Abschiebung und Attentat,” pp. 59–66.

119. Sauer,
Dokumente
, vol. 2, pp. 423ff.

120. For the agreement between Germany and Poland on this matter see
DGFP
, series D, vol. 5 (Washington, 1953), p. 169.

121. Arndt and Boberach, “Deutsches Reich,” p. 34.

122. Michael R. Marrus, “The Strange Story of Herschel Grynszpan,”
American Scholar
57, no.1 (Winter 1987–88): 70–71.

123. Ibid., pp. 71–72.

Chapter 9 The Onslaught

1. Sauer,
Dokumente
, vol. 2, pp. 25–28.

2. Kulka, “Public Opinion in Nazi Germany and the ‘Jewish Question,’”
Jerusalem Quarterly
25 (Fall 1982): 136.

3. Georg Landauer to Martin Rosenblüth, 8 February 1938, in Friedlander and Milton,
Archives of the Holocaust
, vol. 3,
Central Zionist Archives
, ed. Francis R. Nicosia (New York, 1990), p. 57.

4. Drobisch,
Juden unterm Hakenkreuz
, pp. 159–60.

5. Hugh R. Wilson to Secretary of State, June 22, 1938, in Mendelsohn,
The Holocaust
, vol. 1, p. 144.

6. II 112 to I 111, 31.10.1938, SD-Hauptamt, microfilm MA 554, IfZ, Munich.

7. Friedlander and Milton,
Archives of the Holocaust
, vol. 20, p. 113.

8. Adam, “Wie spontan war der Pogrom?” in Pehle,
Der Judenpogrom 1938
, p. 76. Graml,
Anti-Semitism
, p. 8.

9. Friedlander and Milton,
Archives of the Holocaust
, vol. 20, p. 374.

10. “50, dann 75 Synagogen brennen: Tagebuchschreiber Goebbels über die Reichskristallnacht,”
Der Spiegel
, July 13, 1992, p. 126.

11. Walter Buch to Göring, 13.2.1939, Michaelis and Schraepler,
Ursachen
, vol. 12, p. 582.

12. Dieter Obst, “Die ‘Reichskristallnacht’ im Spiegel westdeutscher Nachkriegsprozessakten und als Gegenstand der Strafverfolgung,”
Geschichte in Wissenschaft und Unterricht
44, no. 4 (1993):212.

13. Goebbels, “50, dann 75 Synagogen brennen,” pp. 126–28.

14. Carl Östreich, “Die letzten Stunden eines Gotteshauses” in Lamm,
Von Juden
, p. 349.

15. Graml,
Anti-Semitism
, p. 13.

16. Goebbels, “50, dann 75 Synagogen brennen,” p. 128.

17. Ibid.

18. Ibid.

19. Adam, “Wie spontan war der Pogrom?” p. 89. For the orders given on November 9 and 10, see Walk,
Das Sonderrecht
, pp. 249–54.

20.
Nazi Conspiracy and Aggression
(Washington, D.C., 1946), vol. 5, doc. no. 3051–PS, pp. 799–800.

21. Michaelis and Schraepler,
Ursachen
, vol. 12, p. 584.

22. The sequence of events in Innsbruck is taken from Michael Gehler, “Murder on Command: The Anti-Jewish Pogrom in Innsbruck 9th–10th November 1938,”
LBIY
38 (1993): 119–33. The details about Eichmann’s trip have been corrected.

23. Michalka,
Das Dritte Reich
, vol. 1, p. 165.

24. Heinz Lauber,
Judenpogrom “Reichskristallnacht”: November 1938 in Grossdeutschland
(Gerlingen, 1981), pp. 123–24.

25. The Mayor of Ingolstadt to the Government of Upper Bavaria, Munich, 1.12.1938, Monatsberichte des Stadtrats Ingolstadt, 1929–1939 (Stadtarchiv Ingolstadt No. A XVI/142), IfZ, Fa 411.

26. Gestapo Würzburg to…, 6.12.38 (Himmler Archives, Berlin Document Center, microfilm No. 269, Roll 1) LBI, New York, microfilm 133f.

27. Mendelsohn,
The Holocaust
, vol. 3, p. 301.