Nazi Germany and the Jews: The Years of Persecution, 1933-1939 (61 page)

83. Boas, “German-Jewish Internal Politics,” p. 3.

84. Ibid., p. 4, n. 4.

85. Edelheim-Mühsam, “Die Haltung der jüdischen Presse,” pp. 376–77.

86. Claudia Koonz,
Mothers in the Fatherland: Women, the Family and Nazi Politics
(New York, 1987), p. 358.

87. Dawidowicz,
The War Against the Jews
, p. 178.

88. William L. Shirer,
Berlin Diary: The Journal of a Foreign Correspondent 1934–1941
(New York, 1941; reprint, New York, 1988), p. 36.

89. Quoted in Lowenstein, “The Struggle for Survival of Rural Jews,” p. 120.

90. Yoav Gelber, “The Zionist Leadership’s Response to the Nuremberg Laws,”
Studies on the Holocaust Period
6 (Haifa, 1988) (Hebrew).

91. Chernow,
The Warburgs
, pp. 436ff.

92.
Akten der Parteikanzlei der NSDAP
(abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 208.

93. Chernow,
The Warburgs
, pp. 436ff.

94. Charlotte Beradt,
Das Dritte Reich des Traums
(Frankfurt am Main, 1981), p. 98.

95. Ibid.

96. Ibid., p. 104.

97. Feuchtwanger and Zweig,
Briefwechsel
, vol. 1, p. 97.

98. C. G. Jung, “Civilization in Transition,” in
Collected Works
, vol. 10 (New York, 1964), p. 166. This text is but one of many more or less identical statements made by Jung during the years 1933 to 1936 at least. The controversy concerning Jung’s attitude toward National Socialism has continued since the end of the war. The mildest appraisal of the issue by a historian not belonging to either camp is that of Geoffrey Cocks: “It is by no means clear that the personal philosophical beliefs and attitudes behind Jung’s dubious, naive and often objectionable statements during the Nazi era about ‘Aryans’ and Jews motivated his actions with regard to psychotherapists in Germany. The statements themselves reveal a destructive ambivalence and prejudice that may have served Nazi persecution of the Jews. But Jung conceded much more to the Nazis by his words than by his actions.”
Psychotherapy in the Third Reich: The Göring Institute
(New York, 1985), p. 132. Cocks’s evaluation would have to be thoroughly examined; nonetheless, given the circumstances, Jung’s attitude seems repellent enough.

99. Ernst L. Freud, ed.,
The Letters of Sigmund Freud and Arnold Zweig
(New York, 1970), p. 110.

100. Kurt Tucholsky,
Politische Briefe
(Reinbek/Hamburg, 1969), pp. 117–23.

Chapter 6 Crusade and Card Index

1. Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 3, p. 55.

2. Ibid., p. 351.

3. The primacy of the anti-Bolshevik crusade has been argued by Arno J. Mayer. As will be seen, the speeches of 1936–37 explicitly indicate that the Jews were considered as the enemy behind the Bolshevik threat. For Mayer’s argument see his
Why Did the Heavens Not Darken? The Final Solution in History
(New York, 1988).

4. Lipstadt,
Beyond Belief
, p. 80.

5. Arad, “The American Jewish Leadership’s Response,” pp. 418–19.

6. Arnd Krüger,
Die Olympischen Spiele 1936 und die Weltmeinung
(Berlin, 1972), pp. 128–31. On June 13, 1936, notwithstanding a jump of five feet three inches (equaling the German women’s record) during the training period, athlete Gretel Bergmann received a letter from the German Olympic Committee that read in part: “Looking back on your recent performances, you could not possibly have expected to be chosen for the team.” In the spring of 1996, eighty-two-year-old Margaret Bergmann Lambert, a U.S. citizen who lives in New York, accepted the invitation of the German Olympic Committee to be its guest of honor at the Centennial Games in Atlanta. Ira Berkow, “An Olympic Invitation Comes 60 Years Late,”
New York Times
, June 18, 1996, pp. A1, B12.

7. Eliahu Ben-Elissar,
La Diplomatie du IIIe Reich et les Juifs, 1933–1939
(Paris, 1969), p. 179.

8. Ibid., p. 173.

9. Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2, p. 630.

10.
Ibid
., p. 655.

11. Walk,
Das Sonderrecht
, p. 153.

12. Hitler,
Speeches and Proclamations
, pp. 750–51.

13. Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 2, p. 718.

14. Heinrich Himmler,
Die Schutzstaffel als antibolschewistische Kampforganisation
(Munich, 1936), p. 30.

15. Noakes and Pridham,
Nazism 1919–1945
, vol. 2, p. 281.

16.
Akten der Parteikanzlei
(abstracts), part 1, vol. 2, p. 249.

17.
Der Parteitag der Ehre: Vom 8 bis 14 September 1936
(Munich, 1936), p. 101.

18. Hitler,
Reden und Proklamationen
, p. 638.

19.
Der Parteitag der Ehre
, p. 294. In his Reichstag speech of January 30, 1937, Hitler had already broached the theme of the Judeo-Bolshevik revolutionary action attempting to penetrate Germany. Hitler,
Reden und Proklamationen
, p. 671.

20. Klee,
Die “SA Jesu Christi
,” p. 127.

21.
Der Parteitag der Arbeit vom 6 bis 13 September 1937: Offizieller Bericht über den Verlauf des Reichsparteitages mit sämtlichen Kongressreden
(Munich, 1938), p. 157. Alfred Rosenberg’s contribution was unusual, even by Nazi standards. In his speech he described in gory detail the murderous rule of the Jews in the Soviet Union. He then produced a book “published in New York,” entitled
Now and Forever
, a “dialogue” between the Jewish writer Samuel Roth and the purportedly Zionist politician Israel Zangwill, with an introduction by Zangwill; the book was dedicated to the “president of the Jewish university in Jerusalem.”
Der Parteitag der Arbeit
, pp. 102–3. The texts mentioned by Rosenberg, who did not hesitate to quote chapter and verse, make the
Protocols of the Elders of Zion
seem like a harmless lullaby. In reality, as becomes clear even from the two-part article devoted to Roth’s book in the
NS Monatshefte
of January and February 1938, the book is based on a fictitious dialogue between Roth and Zangwill, mainly about anti-Semitism and the difficulties of political Zionism. See Georg Leibbrandt, “Juden über das Judentum,”
Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte
94, 95 (January, February, 1938). No occasion was missed in the Rosenberg-Goebbels feud. In Rosenberg’s August 25, 1937, letter informing Goebbels that he, Rosenberg, would speak first at the rally, the master of ideology enjoyed a parting barb, closing with the following remark: “Finally, I would like to draw your attention to a small mistake. The quotation defining the Jew as the visible demon of the decay of humanity comes not from Mommsen but from Richard Wagner.” Rosenberg to Goebbels, 25.8.1937, Rosenberg files, microfilm MA–596, IfZ, Munich.

22. Hitler,
Speeches and Proclamations
, p. 938; German original in vol. 2, p. 728.

23. Ibid., p. 939.

24. Ibid., p. 940.

25. Ibid., p. 941.

26. Ibid.

27. The Führer’s Deputy, Directive, 19.4.1937, NSDAP Parteikanzlei (Anordnungen…), Db 15.02, IfZ, Munich.

28. Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 3, p. 21.

29. See the various studies in Hans-Erich Volkmann, ed.,
Das Russlandbild im Dritten Reich
(Cologne, 1994). For Heydrich’s statement see Gerhart Hass, “Zum Russlandbild der SS,” Ibid., p. 209.

30. See Michael Burleigh,
Germany Turns Eastwards: A Study of
Ostforschung
in the Third Reich
(Cambridge, 1988), p. 146.

31. Peter-Heinz Seraphim,
Das Judentum im osteuropäischen Raum
(Essen, 1938), p. 266.

32. Ibid., p. 262.

33. Ibid., p. 267.

34. Commander of main region Rhine to SS-Gruppenführer Heissmeyer, 3.4.35 (“Lagebericht Juden,” 30 Lenzing [from the old German form of “springtime,”
der Lenz
] 1935), Sicherheitsdienst des Reichsführers SS, SD Oberabschnitt Rhein, microfilm MA–392, IfZ, Munich.

35. Helmut Krausnick and Hildegard von Kotze, eds.,
Es spricht der Führer: Sieben exemplarische Hitler-Reden
(Gütersloh, 1966), pp. 147–48.

36. State police station Hildesheim to county prefects, mayors…28.10.1935, Ortspolizeibehörde Göttingen, microfilm MA–172, IfZ, Munich.

37. Ibid., 23.10.1935.

38. Gutteridge, “German Protestantism,” p. 238. See also Gutteridge,
Open Thy Mouth for the Dumb!
pp. 158ff.

39. Gutteridge, “German Protestantism,” p. 238.

40. Gutteridge,
Open thy Mouth for the Dumb!
pp. 159–60.

41. Schönwälder,
Historiker und Politik
, pp. 86–87.

42. Helmut Heiber,
Walter Frank und sein Reichsinstitut für Geschichte des neuen Deutschlands
(Stuttgart, 1966), pp. 279–80.

43. Karl Alexander von Müller, “Zum Geleit,”
Historische Zeitschrift
153, no. 1 (1936): 4–5.

44. Heiber,
Walter Frank
, p. 295.

45. Ibid.

46.
Historische Zeitschrift
153, no. 2 (1936): 336ff. Sometimes reviews of Jewish publications that could appear hostile and damning for the Nazi reader could have been understood as praise from a non-Nazi perspective. One of the strangest examples is the review published in 1936 in the
NS Monatshefte
by Joachim Mrugowsky (later of criminal notoriety for euthanasia) on letters of fallen Jewish soldiers. Mrugowsky compared these letters with those of fallen German soldiers and came to the conclusion that the absolute racial incompatibility of the two groups was clearly revealed in the main ideals expressed by each group. Whereas the German ideal was the race, the
Volk
, and the struggle for the right to live, the Jewish letters idealized equality, humanity, and world peace. Joachim Mrugowsky, “Jüdisches und deutsches Soldatentum: Ein Beitrag zur Rassenseelenforschung,”
Nationalsozialistische Monatshefte
76 (July 1936): 638.

47. For a detailed presentation of Frank’s and Grau’s activities regarding the “Jewish Question” see Heiber,
Walter Frank
, mainly pp. 403–78.

48.
DAZ
, 20 Nov. 1936, Nationalsozialismus/1936,
Miscellanea
, LBI, New York.

49. Heiber,
Walter Frank
, pp. 444ff.

50. See
Das Judentum in der Rechtswissenschaft
, vol. 1, Die Rechtswissenschaft im Kampf gegen den jüdischen Geist (Berlin, 1937), pp. 14ff, 28ff. See also Bernd Rüthers,
Carl Schmitt im Dritten Reich: Wissenschaft als Zeitgeist-Bestärkung?
(Munich, 1990), pp. 81ff, 95ff.

51. Ibid., pp. 97ff.

52. Ibid.

53. Ibid., p. 30.

54. Carl Schmitt,
Der Leviathan in der Staatslehre des Thomas Hobbes
(Hamburg, 1938), p. 18. For the translation see Susan Shell, “Taking Evil Seriously: Schmitt’s Concept of the Political and Strauss’s True Politics,” in Kenneth L. Deutsch and Walter Nigorski, eds.,
Leo Strauss: Political Philosopher and Jewish Thinker
(Lanham, Md., 1994), p. 183, n. 22. I am grateful to Eugene R. Sheppard for having drawn my attention to this text. All in all Schmitt’s anti-Semitism appears to have run deeper than mere opportunism, and his political and ideological commitment between 1933 and 1945 cannot, it seems, be equated with mere “card-carrying,” as his defenders would have it. See, for example, Dan Diner, “Constitutional Theory and ‘State of Emergency’ in Weimar Republic: The Case of Carl Schmitt,”
Tel Aviver Jahrbuch für Deutsche Geschichte
17 (1988): 305.

55. For a good overview of the impact of Nazi ideology on German scientific research, see the essays in H. Mehrtens and S. Richter, eds.,
Naturwissenschaft, Technik und NS-Ideologie
(Frankfurt, 1980). For a very thorough survey of the development of biology in Nazi Germany, see Deichmann,
Biologen unter Hitler

56. On this issue see Cocks,
Psychotherapy in the Third Reich
, p. 7.

57. Beyerchen,
Scientists under Hitler
, pp. 156ff.

58. See Hans Buchheim, “Die SS—Das Herrschaftsinstrument,” in Hans Buchheim et al.,
Anatomie des SS-Staates
, 2 vols., Olten, 1965, vol. 1, pp. 55 ff; in particular George C. Browder,
Foundations of the Nazi Police State. The Formation of Sipo and SD
, Lexington, 1990.

59. Browder,
Foundations of the Nazi Police State
, p. 231.

60. Buchheim, “Die SS,” p. 54.

61. All the details about Aus den Ruthen’s brides are taken from William L. Combs,
The Voice of the SS: A History of the SS Journal Das Schwarze Korps
, vol. 1 (Ann Arbor, Mich.: University Microfilms, 1985), pp. 29–30.

62. Heinrich Himmler, “Reden, 1936–1939,” F 37/3, IfZ, Munich.

63. Helmut Heiber, ed.,
Reichsführer!…Briefe an und von Himmler
(Stuttgart, 1968), p. 44. In his answer the researcher, SS-Haupsturmführer Dr. K. Mayer, mentioned that, although no Jewish ancestry was found, Mathilde von Kemnitz had no fewer than nine theologians among her forefathers which, for him, offered the explanation. To which Walther Darré remarked: “I have three Reformators among my ancestors. Does it make me unacceptable to the SS?” Ibid., p. 45, n. 3.

64. Ibid., p. 52, as well as pp. 64, 66, 75, 231, 245.

65. See in Friedlander and Milton,
Archives of the Holocaust
, vol. 11, part 2, pp. 124–25.

66. Heiber,
Reichsführer
, p. 50.

67. “Warum wird über das Judentum geschult?”
SS-Leitheft
3, no. 2, 22 Apr. 1936.

68. Ibid., quoted in Josef Ackermann,
Heinrich Himmler als Ideologe
(Göttingen, 1970), p. 159.

69. For the entire case see Friedlander and Milton,
Archives of the Holocaust
, vol. 11, part 2, , pp. 55ff.