Peekskill USA: Inside the Infamous 1949 Riots (12 page)

It must be noted that no aggressive act of violence came from the progressives; it must be noted that
all
trouble was provoked by the fascist elements; and it must be noted that
all
recourse to force was on the part of the fascists. The behavior of each side was dictated—as any intelligent person must concede—not by directives but by the forces represented and the ideology of the group itself; and here I refer to behavior in terms of violence rather than overall intent and plan.

This becomes all the more interesting in the light of the fact that during the time of both concerts, the eleven leaders of the Communist Party were on trial for the promulgation of ideas in terms of “force and violence.” (And even today, as I write, I have before me an editorial in the New York
Journal American
which calls upon the American people to recognize that communism is “force and violence” disguised as an idea—if such a notion is conceivable.)

I know well enough how exceedingly late it is for the voices of logic and reason to be raised. Yet I think that they must be raised, even if those who raise them go down to defeat. A small light of civilization was kept burning over Germany from 1933 to 1945 by such voices, and regardless of what happens in the moment, history will eventually record the truth.

The
Peekskill
affair was an important step in the preparation for the fascization of America and for the creation of receptive soil for the promulgation of World War III. It was a candid display of force and violence by those constant and conscienceless advocates of force and violence, the masters and the tools within the scheme of American reaction. It was undoubtedly planned toward a twofold result, the “entrapment” of numbers of progressives within a pattern of force and violence, for which they could be made to bear the burden of blame; and secondly, to arouse
lumpen
elements throughout America toward a fascist pattern of force and violence. Its profound usefulness to American reaction lay precisely in this content which it potentially contained; and therefore it is impossible for any thoughtful person not to relate it to the Communist trials in New York City.

The first purpose was foiled by the discipline and dignity of the progressive masses involved; the second purpose was foiled by the reaction of the American public in general, a reaction which is noted in the appendix. The American people not only were not ready for this particular combination of blood and filth which Adolf Hitler had so popularized, but serious doubts began to be entertained by the ruling class of the United States as to whether they could be made ready for this particular pattern quickly enough. Therefore, we saw an immediate turn to legalized, “police” fascism, as exemplified by the McCarran Act and the wholesale jailings of political prisoners. Since the “day of violence” had fallen short of its goal, the “day in court” was put forward once again.

Peekskill
was one among many incidents of “force and violence” against the
left
and not by the
left.
A similar study of any one of a hundred other incidents of a provocative nature would yield much the same results. For example, Henry David's
History of the Haymarket Affair
illustrates this point well, as did my own study of the affair at Republic Steel. In each case, a careful inquiry established the fact that force and violence were introduced not by the
left
but by the
right.
To support this, it must be noted that not a single incident of like nature in the past can be laid, in terms of force and violence, in the camp of the
left.
The most exhaustive research, intelligence and study on the part of the Department of Justice, backed by their mighty financial resources, has failed to produce
one single instance
of force and violence on the part of the
left.
It becomes particularly meaningful, therefore, that during a trial of eleven Communist leaders on charges of “advocating the teaching” of certain philosophical concepts which, in the language of the indictment, led to “force and violence,” the
Peekskill
affairs should occur. What a boon it would have been to the prosecution if they could have introduced
Peekskill
at the trial as evidence in their case! And what exemplary witnesses the three calm, neutral FBI agents could have been!

I think that I, personally, suffer from fewer illusions today than I did at the time of
Peekskill.
My books on American history, done with love of my country and pride in my country, are today interdicted as “false” and “vicious” and “treasonable.” My refusal to play the role of a Louis Budenz was rewarded with a sentence in a federal prison. And my current unwillingness to repudiate all that is good and generous and honest in my past and in the past of my country has been met by a campaign of villification in the press and a denial of any passport rights by my government. However, I still cling to the belief that if the facts are presented to the American people, they will act upon these facts. Facts are stubborn and frightening things, and people who cling to facts are considered dangerous these days. It is very difficult for me to consider myself a dangerous person, but if devotion to facts requires that, then I accept the description.

The platform for the concert was sheltered under a tree. The men standing behind Paul Robeson took their places with the full knowledge that they were providing a barrier of human flesh between him and the snipers. The eagerness with which they accepted this post is an unusual tribute to the love progressive America bears for Paul Robeson.

A section of the defense line and a portion of the audience gathered for the second Peekskill concert. Remember that this defense line stretched all around the concert grounds and held its position in the hot sun for many hours. It was on the ridge in the background that the two snipers were concealed.

A smashed car of some concert-goers and the hoodlums who did the smashing. These are obviously too young to have been veterans and were probably recruited for the occasion by neighborhood fascist organizations.

Eugene Bullard, one of the great war heroes of the Negro people, is struck to the ground by the clubs of state troopers and deputy sheriffs. The attack was without any provocation, as both bystanders and Mr. Bullard testified.

It was on such buses as this that the worst injuries occurred. In the crowded bus there was no room to hide. The story of Sidney Marcus in the Appendix tells what it was like to be inside these buses as they ran the gauntlet.

A car of concert-goers runs the gauntlet to the Parkway. This was one of the worst death traps of the various exits. The cars moved slowly and there was no escape from the rocks. Further down the road, at the right, you can see a policeman standing calmly and observing the work of the fascist hoodlums.

This group of young hoodlums, gathered around one of Governor Thomas E. Dewey's state troopers, gives clear pictorial evidence of the dignity and the courage with which the super-patriots defend America.

To appreciate this scene you must understand that the people in the cars were blinded by flying glass. Notice the girl hanging over the back seat.