Sex for Sale~Prostitution, Pornography and the Sex Industry (34 page)

Just as there are prostitutes who sell sexual but not emotional services, there are others who sell both sexual
and
emotional services. Here we address the question of how street prostitutes and call girls compare in the sale of sexual services, emotional services, or both. The major contribution of our chapter is the inclusion of call girls, who have rarely been studied by researchers, and the comparative examination of call girls and street prostitutes, as few studies systematically compare two or more types of sex worker.

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CALL GIRLS AND STREET PROSTITUTES: SELLING SEX AND INTIMACY

R E S E A R C H M E TH O D S

The analysis presented here draws on data and personal contacts from the Los Angeles Women’s Health Risk Study, which was conducted by the RAND

Corporation in 1990–1991. The authors were staff members on the project.

The study had three goals: first, to estimate the size and demographic composition of the female prostitute population in a large metropolis, namely Los Angeles County; second, to collect self-reported data on sex and drug-taking behaviors that put one at risk of AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases (STDs); and third, to collect blood samples from the prostitutes to test for the presence of antibodies to HIV, syphilis, and hepatitis B. Understanding the emotional labor of female commercial sex workers was not one of the study’s goals, but the data can be used to address this issue.

Two subpopulations of female prostitutes interested the researchers. First and foremost, we targeted the numerous and visible prostitutes on the streets.

Second, we targeted the various groups that make up the less accessible subpopulation of off-street prostitutes. Unlike other studies of female prostitute populations that are based on convenience samples, the RAND

study utilized an “area/day/shift” design to draw a probability sample of 998

street prostitutes. Los Angeles was divided into 79 geographical areas where there was a probability of prostitution taking place, and these areas were randomly sampled; interviews also took place during a random selection of days and times.9 Women were eligible to participate if they said they had traded sex for money, drugs, or something of value in the last year. The response rate for the street prostitute sample is 61% (assuming all women who refused screening or denied eligibility were simply refusing to participate) or 89% (if all such women were, in fact, ineligible).

Unlike the street prostitution sample, it proved impossible to randomly sample from the hidden and complex off-street prostitute population,10 but we were able to interview 83 call girls. These women were recruited in three ways: we called their numbers advertised in sex tabloids or phone directories (N = 30); they responded to our ads, fliers, and mass-media campaign (N =

26); or we got their names and numbers through referrals from informants or other women whom we had previously interviewed (N = 27).

Response rates varied by mode of recruitment: the response rate of the women we contacted through their ads ranged from 12%, assuming those who denied eligibility were simply refusing to participate, to 17%, if all such women were in fact ineligible. Although we don’t know how many eligible women saw our ads and fliers or became aware of our study via radio and newspaper coverage, we interviewed 26 of the 53 women who called us and
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JANET LEVER AND DEANNE DOLNICK

claimed eligibility. When personally referred to us by others, women were very cooperative, and we interviewed 27 of the 30 women who came to us via this snowball technique. The authors interviewed nearly half of the call girls and the remainder were interviewed by two other interviewers. A few of the interviews took place over the telephone, but most were conducted in person at a RAND office or were done at a location chosen by the respondent, usually her home.

There were notable demographic differences between the call girl and street samples. Nearly 70% of the street sample was African-American, whereas nearly 80% of the off-street sample was white. The average educational level was 11.6 years in the street sample, a little less than required for a high school diploma, and 13.5 years, or some college, in the off-street sample. Median age, by contrast, was the same, between 29 and 30 years old in both samples.

Women in both the street and off-street samples were paid $25 in cash to participate in a 45-minute interview. One section of the instrument included questions about sexual activities with
all
clients within the previous week, and another section focused exclusively on the sex worker’s
last client
, including a sociodemographic description of him, details about the time and place of the interaction as well as what was done, whether there was any prior relationship with him, whether she or he drank alcohol or used drugs during time together, whether a condom was used, and what was given in exchange for the woman’s time and services.

None of the items in the lengthy survey was designed to operationalize the concept of emotional labor. In effect, what follows is a secondary analysis of a dataset, much as Marks used items from the General Social Survey to test his idea that Americans find some intimacy—defined as friendship, emotional support, or companionship—with coworkers in the workplace.11 In the L.A.

Women’s Health Risk Study, the detailed information that respondents provided about their interaction with the last client lends itself to a univariate comparison of street prostitutes’ versus call girls’ services that can be taken as proxies for intimacy.

How long and how often the client and prostitute have been seeing each other suggests their levels of familiarity and comfort; what type of setting was used also suggests level of comfort and sharing of personal environment; the amount of time spent together and whether alcohol or drugs were shared are both measures of companionship provided; whether conversation occurred implies at least the opportunity for personal disclosure and detailed knowledge of the other; whether or not nonsexual massage, caressing, kissing, and hugging occurred tells us about affectionate or nongenital touching; and
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CALL GIRLS AND STREET PROSTITUTES: SELLING SEX AND INTIMACY

whether the man touched or performed oral sex on the woman’s genitals indicates whether there was the type of sexual reciprocity that characterizes most noncommercial sexual relationships.

Although we rely most heavily on the quantitative data described earlier, we also draw on qualitative data in our analysis. First, because we knew so much less about the modus operandi of call girls, we instructed the interviewers to make marginal notations of any commentary offered by the respondents that elaborated on their answers to survey questions; usable marginal notes were available from 75 of the 83 respondents. Second, in the last stages of drafting our results, we found ourselves wanting even more detail and recruited a clique of four call girls to keep a 1-week diary in which they recorded how much time they spent with each client, what was discussed prior to and after any sexual activity, and whether the woman engaged in any

“acting” or emotion work to feign intimacy or whether any real intimacy had occurred. We also draw on informal talks about this subject with five male clients and two call girl informants we have known for years.

F I N D I N G S

The reader should keep in mind that characteristics of the client and details of his transaction with the prostitute are based on her perception and unilateral report. Further, the reliance on data about the “last client” may limit generalization to all clients, although we do not know whether that is so or how much it distorted the data.

Table 8.1 presents a demographic summary of the last client of the street prostitutes and the call girls. Racial differences are striking: Nearly all (more than eight in 10) of the call girls’ clients are white, and the second largest racial group is Asian, whereas the streets host a more diverse array of clients.

The majority of call girls believed their last client was from the upper income brackets, whereas the majority of street prostitutes believed their client was middle class. These class and race differences were predictable insofar as not all men can afford the higher fees for a call girl’s services; the median amount paid by the last client of the call girls was $200, compared to $30 spent on the street (the fees are likely higher today than at the time of the study).

The demographic variable most related to the need for companionship as well as sexual services is marital status. In their pioneering 1948 study of the male sexual behavior, Alfred Kinsey and associates found that single men (especially those who were divorced and in their thirties) were more likely than married men to have had extensive experience with prostitutes. Just as it is
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JANET LEVER AND DEANNE DOLNICK

TA B L E 8 . 1 C L I E N T C H A R A C T E R I S T I C S

S T R E E T C L I E N T S

C A L L G I R L C L I E N T S

( N = 9 9 8 ) ( % )

( N = 8 3 ) ( % )

PERCEIVED RACE/ETHNICITY

White

34

82

African-American

40

1

Hispanic or Latino

23

5

Asian

2

7

Other

1

5

ESTIMATED AGE

Age 20 or less

1

1

Age 21–35

35

32

Age 36–40

26

26

Age 41–50

27

21

Age 51–65

10

16

Over 65

1

4

Could not tell

0

0

ESTIMATED INCOME

Upper

26

65

Middle

50

27

Lower

12

4

Don’t know

12

5

PERCEIVED MARITAL STATUS

Married

44

36

Not married

32

59

Don’t know

25

5

Note
: Totals may not equal 100% due to rounding.

presumed that most wives are sexual partners, it is presumed that most also provide companionship.

Of course, some single men are dating or living with someone, and some married men have an equal or greater need for companionship and intimacy, but on average, we can assume that single men’s relationship needs are greater than married men’s. The fact that a larger percentage of call girls (95%) than street prostitutes (75%) believed they knew their last client’s marital status can be taken as another indicator of greater familiarity, although the majority of all sex workers felt they knew their client’s marital status. Many married men seek services from call girls and street prostitutes—at least 36% of the
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CALL GIRLS AND STREET PROSTITUTES: SELLING SEX AND INTIMACY

call girls’ last clients were married, and 43% of street prostitutes’ were. But a much higher percentage of call girls’ clients were reported to be single—59%, compared with 32% for street prostitutes.

Some men spoke of time with a call girl as superior to the dating scene.

They explained that an encounter with a call girl guarantees sex for the equivalent of the price for a nice dinner for two on a regular date in which sex may or may not follow the man’s outlay of cash. One attractive, unmarried young chemistry Ph.D. working in industry, when asked why he does not date at all, replied, “I am married to my company.” One call girl made the generalization that her single clients like “to party” while her married clients are more awkward and more inhibited by guilt.

Table 8.2 shows the sex worker’s relationship to her last client. Some people may be surprised to see that street prostitutes have their share of regular clients (more than one-quarter of last clients), but the call girl is far more likely to set up an ongoing relationship with a man (just under half were men they had “seen” enough to consider “regulars”). Note, however, that call girls had sexual relations for the first time with 40% of their last clients. If indeed emotional services are more expected of the call girl, then she may be under more pressure than her street counterparts to create a comfortable feeling with total strangers a good portion of her working time.

TA B L E 8 . 2 R E L AT I O N S H I P W I T H L A S T C L I E N T

S T R E E T C L I E N T S

C A L L G I R L C L I E N T S

( N = 9 9 8 ) ( % )

( N = 8 3 ) ( % )

New client

59

40

Previous client

13

11

Regular client

28

49

First saw previous

or regular client

Last week

4

2

Last month

15

4

Within last year

38

45

Over year ago

43

45

Last saw previous

or regular client

Last week

63

26

Last month

25

36

Within last year

9

34

Over year ago

3

4

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JANET LEVER AND DEANNE DOLNICK

In terms of length of relationship with “regulars,” there is less difference than expected. Among the men described as previous or regular clients, 49%

of the call girls’ clients have seen them for longer than a year, compared to 43% of the street prostitutes’ clients. In fact, the longest relationship was reported by the street prostitute who claimed she met one “regular” 30 years ago, whereas the longest relationships described by call girls were 10 years in duration. For those relationships that had lasted longer than 1 year, the mean length was 3.8 years for street prostitutes’ clients and 4.5 years for clients of call girls. Perhaps because the cost of the interaction is less prohibitive, a majority of regular clients saw street prostitutes as recently as last week, a frequency that only one-quarter of clients of call girls could match.