Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader (54 page)

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Authors: Geremie Barme

Tags: #History, #Asia, #China, #Literary Criticism, #Asian, #Chinese, #Political Science, #Political Ideologies, #Communism; Post-Communism & Socialism, #World, #General, #test

BOOK: Shades of Mao: The Posthumous Cult of the Great Leader
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Page 177
In a Glass Darkly:
An Interview with Gu Yue
The search for Mao look-alikes
(texing yanyuan
in Chinese), clones who could play the Great Leader in theater and film productions, began in the late 1970s. Not only did these actors have to look like Mao, they had, above all, to be politically reliable.
1
The foremost of their number was Gu Yue, a PLA actor personally selected by Marshal Ye Jianying for the role. He made a career playing Mao and by 1993 had been the Chairman in over 30 films and teleseries.
In 1992, Gu Yue was told he could not do product endorsements in his Mao persona, but that did not stop him from trying to make up for lost income. In August 1993, Gu went to the flood-stricken Heze district in Shandong with a number of other performers to put on a "charity concert" for the peasants. Chinese press reports claim that he demanded and got an appearance fee of 20,000
yuan.
According to outraged journalists, all Gu had to do for this not inconsiderable sum was to come out on the stage and salute the amassed comrades. In his defense Gu Yue argued that playing Mao had deprived him of a normal life and that by all rights he should have had the rank of general, but in 1993 he was still only a divisional commander. Furthermore, he claimed, he was often exploited by the entertainment industry; while he earned relatively little others were making a fortune out of his appearances.
His critics commented that for actors who played Mao to be paid for public appearances was not only injurious to the image of the Chairman but undermined the curiosity value of the performer. One recommended solution to the problem of low pay was that Gu Yue should be placed under state "protection" and given special privileges so he could maintain the mystique of Mao.
2
In answering the following questions posed by a Hong Kong reporter, Gu Yue is fairly circumspect, although something of the afflatus of Chairman Mao does seem to make its way through the verbiage.
Question: Does the MaoCraze in China have anything to do with your extremely successful portrayal of Mao on the screen?
Answer: The Craze for our Leader, for Mao Zedong, has developed because, as the quality of our material civilization has improved, people have a greater interest in spiritual civilization. People think fondly of the achievements

 

Page 178
of Chairman Mao. There are those who say, on the other hand, that my successful representation of Chairman Mao has inculcated a renewed sentiment for him, that Mao has benefited from his association with me. But only others can say that; it would not be suitable for me to claim such a thing. What I can say is that I have been the beneficiary of Chairman Mao.
Q: Some people claim that the MaoCraze is a mass expression of dissatisfaction with Deng's policies, policies that encourage people to think only of money. What do you think?
A: I disagree. Deng's open door and reform policies are entirely in keeping with Mao Zedong Thought. Ping-Pong diplomacy and the establishment of diplomatic relations between China and the United States, as well as China and Japan, were all policies initiated by Chairman Mao and implemented by Premier Zhou Enlai. If there hadn't been a thaw in Sino-U.S. relations, the Open Door and Reform would not have been possible.
Q: Mao's errors have been clearly explicated in Party Central documents; yet, in your films, you avoid all question of Mao's mistakes. For example, the way Mao treated Liu Shaoqi.
A: None of the films I've worked on have touched on these questions. None have dealt directly with the Cultural Revolution. I can hardly be blamed if it's not in the script. If, in the future, the script calls for it, then I'll do what is required of me.
Q: What did you think when, as you were working on developing your Mao character, you came across his dark side?
A: Mmm. Nobody's perfect after all, and Mao Zedong is no exception to that. Mistakes and errors were inevitable given the long and protracted struggles in which he was involved. The Party Central line on this at the present time is quite correct. I wouldn't speculate on how he'll be seen in the future. I do feel, however, that Comrade Deng Xiaoping has been magnanimous in the way he has dealt with this matter. Despite the numerous attacks made on him personally, Deng has not treated Mao Zedong in a vengeful fashion. Western journalists often ask me what I think of Mao's errors. Once in Ji'nan [the capital of Shandong Province] I responded to an American journalist with a question of my own: What do you think of the statue of Venus? Her arms may be broken but she's still beautiful. I see Mao Zedong in the same way. Flawed beauty is more alluring.
Q: The MaoCraze in China leads one to reflect on the Soviet Union. They not only negated Stalin, now they've even dumped Lenin. Do you think that one day China will act like this?

 

Page 179
A: If we support the Four Basic Principles as formulated by Deng Xiaoping, China will not change.
3
If, however, we abandon those principles, China will naturally go the way of the Soviet Union.
Q: Will China abandon the Four Basic Principles after the generation of Older Revolutionaries has died?
A: That's just what the prognosticators of Western imperialism are hoping for. It depends entirely on the next generation of leaders.
Q: If there is a change, Mao will be the first to get it. Are you prepared for that possibility?
A: One can understand that some people hold fears for China becoming like the Soviet Union after our Older Revolutionaries pass away. But the Soviet Union didn't change overnight and we are presently taking precautions.
Q: A report in Sing Pao
4
today claims that Mao's daughter thinks of you as her father. Is that true?
A: Not exactly. When I was filming
The Final Conflict
at Xibaipo, Li Na [Mao and Jiang Qing's daughter] happened to make a trip there. She had lived there with Mao when she was seven. She asked to see me. I recall that we met in a conference room. She held me by the hand, and said: "Your hand's big and soft just like my father's." She's only a little younger than me, but she's had a hard life. After her father died, her mother [Jiang Qing] had certain difficulties.
5
Li Na must have been deeply disturbed and affected by all of that. When I was seeing them off she ran over, hugged me, and burst into tears. I was taken completely by surprise. I realized that there were no words that could express what she was feeling at that moment. I cried too. Everyone present became tearful. Finally I said to her: "I understand."
Q: Have you met all of Mao's family?
A: I see Li Min [the other of Mao's daughters] and her husband, Kong Linghua. Since first meeting them in 1984, she always invites me to spend December 26 [Mao's birthday] at their house. I invariably meet a number of old comrades who knew Mao very well there. So, if I'm free, I go every year and, through her, I've met Mao's secretaries, doctors, nurses, and personal guards. They all remember Chairman Mao with great affection and it has been a valuable learning experience for me. Through them, I've also been able to find out a great deal about the Chairman's private life. I've also met Mao Anqing and his wife.
Q: Have you ever met Zhang Yufeng?
6
A: Someone told me she was in the same theater when I went to see a performance of some description, but I did not search her out.

 

Page 180
Q: There's a rumor that she had a child by Mao. Is that true?
A: As far as I know it's just that, a rumor. Someone wrote about it in a book, and a leader in the Central government remarked that if such gossip persists legal action can be taken for defamation. I believe people who have a grudge against the Chairman made the story up. If it were really true, there's no way it could be kept a secret these days. So many people hate him, and there's been all this material pointing out his errors that you can't tell me you could keep a thing like that secret.
7
Zhang Yufeng is presently a Section Head in the Ministry of Rail Transportation.
Q: Lin Biao and Liu Shaoqi rarely make an appearance in the films about Party leaders. Is this intentional?
A: No. From what I understand there is a central plan for the production of such films. Initially, we are making films about the historical events everyone can agree on, like
The Final Conflict
and
The Three Great Campaigns,
and various periods before the Cultural Revolution. A lot of water has passed under the bridge and people can reflect on the past more calmly. It will be easier to make such films from now on.
Q: Are there deliberate attempts to emphasize Deng Xiaoping's role?
A: No. It is a matter of historical fact.
The Final Conflict
is about a period during which Liu Bocheng and Deng Xiaoping were equally important but, after Liberation, Liu didn't play as major a role as Deng. In the same token, Liu Shaoqi doesn't have a large role in
The Final Conflict,
and that's a matter of historical fact too.
Q: What do you know about Jiang Qing?
A: She really was an ambitious woman. I've read some things that show she didn't start out that way. But she revealed a typically feminine kind of jealousy from the time she became an actress. The moment she got into power she wanted revenge. I've been told that when she and Mao were married, Zhou Enlai proposed that she be kept out of politics. As a result her political ambitions were frustrated for years and she harbored a grudge against the Premier. She had a real lust for power.
Q: Do you have access to classified material?
A: Only limited access. For example, I've read top-secret military telegrams related to the Three Great Campaigns (now stored in the Academy of Military Science).
8
Mao Zedong directed the campaigns by telegram and there are more than 400 telegrams in the files, of which he composed 360.
9
I made reams of notes as background research.

 

Page 181
Q: What does Deng think of your acting?
A: Every time I've seen him he's praised my work. I've met the state leaders on various national holidays.
Q: Who's in charge of films related to Party leaders? Is the funding particularly good?
A: Li Ruihuan [then the Politburo leader in charge of ideological matters] is the highest authority. All the films are vetted by ''The Steering Committee on Major Revolutionary Historical Themes" which is chaired by Ding Qiao [a former government minister in charge of cinema]. Wang Renzhi [then head of the Department of Propaganda] and Ai Zhisheng [then head of the Ministry of Film and Television] are also involved. Budgets for revolutionary epics are pretty big, but they're based on box office projections. It really depends on the film.
Q: Mao films are so predominantly political, do you think there's any chance they can reach an international audience?
A: I believe there are great possibilities. There's a well-known American director by the name of Oliver Stone who wants to make a film about Mao Zedong. If he wants to find an actor in China for the role I'm confident that I can do it since I've played Mao [in all stages of his life] from youth to old age. If Stone wants me, I'll do my utmost for the role. Mao Zedong is, after all, a national hero.
Gandhi
made it internationally, so there is no reason Mao can't do the same.
10
As long as you have a good script and the film is performed and filmed well, there's a real chance of success.
The Final Conflict
could be an international war epic.
Q: But such films have a hard time even making it to Taiwan.
A: That goes without saying. But people on both sides of the Strait want an accurate portrayal of history. We no longer present a caricature of Chiang Kai-shek in our films; we try to be as convincing as possible.
Q: How do you compare your work to Soviet films about Party leaders?
A: Our films are an advance on the style of filmmaking developed from 1928 by Soviet directors like Eisenstein. I'm particularly impressed by the work of the actor who portrayed Lenin as a great yet also ordinary man.
Q: As you're such a successful Mainland film star, do you make much more than other actors?
A: Let me be frank. Although I'm politically advantaged in that I've often been given audiences with Central leaders, something unheard of for most actors, financially I'm at a distinct disadvantage. I can't negotiate my own

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