Suleiman The Magnificent 1520 1566 (26 page)

Suleiman was both irritated and alarmed by the capture of Coron, and by no means pleased with the performance of his own fleet. It showed that despite the efforts of some of his predecessors-especlally Mohammed II—to create a really powerful Ottoman navy, the Turks on sea were not nearly so formidable as the Turks on land. Yet his need of a strong fleet was only too obvious. His empire was situated on three continents; it was by sea that communication between its separate parts could be most effectively maintained. He was also the fortunate possessor of unrivalled maritime resources: the magnificent harbor of Constantinople, on an inland sea protected by straits at both ends against all attack, excellent shipbuilding material in the adjacent forests, and ample resources in money and men which could be devoted to naval construction according to his own untrammelled will. On the other hand, he had to contend with the fatal drawback that the Turks had never been a maritime or commercial nation. Their trade with foreign lands had been entirely carried on in foreign ships, and even in their own waters it was in the hands of their Christian subjects. To man their galleys they had mainly to depend on Christian prisoners who labored at the oars, and on pirates and renegades who fought and hoisted the sails—all of them undisciplined and untrustworthy material, which had to be stiffened for combat by Janissaries and Azabs. Worst of all was the difficulty of finding officers of a calibre to cope with the

Christian seamen of the West. 11 Such victories as the Ottoman navy had been able to win in the past were due to its size and nothing else. Since the siege of Rhodes, in which it had played but a subsidiary part, it had seldom gone outside the Dardanelles, and the way in which Doria, with greatly inferior forces, had been able not only to capture but to relieve Coron was a crowning demonstration of its inefficiency.

The situation demanded immediate and vigorous action, the more so because Suleiman in 1534 was about to start out on a campaign against Persia, and must leave his own dominions well defended in his absence. The Sultan had kept a watchful eye on the doings of Khaireddin Bar-barossa during the previous fifteen years, and was quick to recognize the man that would be indispensable to save him in his hour of need. In August, 1533, just after Doria's relief of Coron, he ordered Barbarossa to leave North Africa in charge of one of his lieutenants and repair to Constantinople to pay homage to his sovereign. Khaireddin obeyed, though in leisurely fashion. He was then in his sixty-seventh or sixty-eighth year, and was not unconscious of his own importance. He made a stately entrance into the Golden Horn, bringing with him forty ships in gala attire. At the next Divan he was received in audience with eighteen of his captains, who, after being given robes of honor, were at once despatched to the shipyards, to improve and accelerate the construction which was in progress there. 12 It was some time before Barbarossa could be given the office for which the Sultan had intended him from the first. The local authorities were profoundly jealous of the sudden rise to prominence of this Algerian corsair, and it speaks volumes for the degree to which Sulei-

11 J. W. Zinkeisen, GesMchte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa, 7 vols. (Hamburg, etc., 1840-63), III, 279-328, is still valuable for the maritime affairs of the Turks, Zinkeisen used largely Venetian sources.

man, at that time, was dependent on the advice of Ibrahim, that he refused to act without the latter's consent. Bar-barossa had to journey overland, in December, into Syria, where ^ Ibrahim was making preparations for the Persian campaign, in order to obtain the formal approval of the Grand Vizir. 13 But when he returned with it, all his difficulties vanished. In March, 1534, he was made Kapudan Pasha, or admiral-in-chief of the Ottoman fleet. The tie that had first been formed sixteen years before, when Barbarossa had sent to Constantinople to ask for the aid of Selim the Terrible, had now been strengthened into a mighty bond, which not only placed the control of the Turkish navy in the hands of the ablest Moslem sailor of the day, but also extended the influence of the Sultan over the western part of North Africa.

In June Barbarossa set forth from Constantinople at the head of a fleet of eighty-four ships; of these, according to the Turkish historian, no less than sixty-one had been built under his supervision at the Porte. 14 For several weeks he ravaged the shores of Southern Italy, where he tried, though in vain, to capture and carry off the beautiful Julia Gonzaga as a present for the Sultan's harem; all this, however, was but byplay. His real objective, and that of the master whom he served, was the kingdom of Tunis, where the tottering Hafside dynasty was maintaining itself with difficulty, and only because it had been willing to call for Christian help. Recently a new prince, Muley Hassan, had begun his reign there by a general massacre of his relatives. One of them had, however, escaped, and had been carried off to Constantinople by Barbarossa; it was on the pretext of winning the kingdom for him that Khair-eddki in August landed his Janissaries at Bizerta. So great was the terror inspired by his name, and so universal was

13 HajjI Haiifa, p. 48. 14 Hajji Halifa, p. 49.

the resentment at the cruelties of Muley Hassan, that the latter deemed it prudent to retire into the interior, and Barbarossa entered the city without striking a blow, 15 The pretext of installing the fugitive claimant was now discarded and the country was definitely annexed to the dominions of the Sultan. The Turks had got a new foothold in one of the most important places of the Mediterranean, on the south side of the narrow channel which divides its eastern and western basins; another and most valuable link had been added to their chain of posts which stretched nearly all the way from the Dardanelles to the Atlantic. It was less than one hundred miles distant from the shores of Sicily, whose conquest would be the next obvious step in the resistless progress of the Ottoman arms. It was from Tunis that Sicily had almost been subdued by Carthage; it was from Tunis that it had been conquered by the Saracens in the ninth century, and held by them for two hundred years. It was from Tunis that Pedro the Great of Aragon had launched the expedition that gave the Spaniards their first foothold in Sicily 16 in 1282. It was to be from Tunis that Anglo-American forces were to cross over in 1943 to begin the liberation of Europe.

The peril to Christendom was obvious, and Europe looked to Charles to meet it. In 1534 he had got back to Spain, where the Cortes were eager to contribute funds. He was still, nominally at least, at peace with Francis I, and the Lutherans in the Empire were, for the time being, relatively quiet. Vigorous measures of defence were at once taken in all his Mediterranean possessions, and his fleets were kept ready to sail at a moment's notice. But Charles was not content with mere measures of defence. The new Pope, Paul III, urged him to revive the crusades and drive the foe out of the coign of vantage that he had

15 R.B.M n m, 305-306.

16 R.B.AL, I, 318-326.

seized, and Portugal, the Netherlands, and the Empire promised to send contingents. 17 But though the Emperor was determined to get the Turks out of Tunis, he hoped, if possible, to accomplish his object without a fight. In the autumn of 1534, he despatched in disguise to Tunis a certain Genoese named Luis de Presenda, who had lived in Fez and knew the languages and customs of North Africa. He was instructed first to get into touch with the dethroned ruler, Muley Hassan, and try with his aid to stir up such a revolt as would result in the expulsion of Barbarossa from his new domains. If this proved impossible, he was to approach Barbarossa himself, and see if he could not be induced to abandon the Sultan; the bribe that^was to be offered him was the lordship of ail North Africa. Failing here, Presenda was to do his utmost to get Barbarossa assassinated; It ought not to be too difficult to do so, since the intended victim was not infrequently drunk. None of these interesting projects was destined to'succeed, for Barbarossa soon discovered them, and Presenda was put to death; but the fact that Charles consented to dabble in such plots Is an interesting evidence of his earnest desire, whenever possible, to avoid an appeal to arms. They also go to show that, for the moment at least, the Emperor was little if any more scrupulous in his dealings with the Moslem than was his Most Christian rival, the king of France. 18 Charles had not sufficient faith in the success of Pre-senda's mission to abate his preparations for war. In the spring of 1535, there assembled at Cagliari In Sardinia a fleet of 400 sail, bearing upwards of 30,000 troops: some 17,000 of them were Spaniards; 7,000 of them Germans; the rest scattering levies from the Italian states. On June 10 the Emperor and Andrea Doria arrived from Barcelona. Four days later the expedition set sail; on the seventeenth,

13 Haj)iHalifa,p. 48. 14 Hajji Halifl^p* 49.

zi6 Suleiman the Magnificent

the troops began to disembark near the ruins of the ancient Carthage, on the selfsame spot where Saint Louis IX had landed two hundred and sixty-five years before; the place roused stirring memories. 19 Barbarossa did not venture to risk a naval battle with the imposing Christian armament, or even to oppose Its landing. Fifteen of his best ships, fully armed and manned, were despatched to the westward to find shelter in the harbor of Bona. The rest, after having been stripped of their guns, sought refuge in the shallow salt-water lake, six miles across, which intervened between Tunis and its only approach from the sea. Their artillery in the meantime was emplaced on the strong bastions of La Goietta, the formidable fortress which guarded the narrow entrance to the lake. La Goietta got Its name from the fact that it was believed "to hold Tunis by the throat." »

Under all the circumstances, it was evident that the Emperor must capture La Goietta before he could venture to attack Tunis itself. The siege of the fortress lasted twenty-four days, and was terribly costly. La Goietta was desperately defended by some 5000 Turks and an indefinite number of Moors, ably commanded by a famous corsair popularly known as "Sinan the Jew." But finally, on July 14, a tremendous bombardment from land batteries and from the fleet paved the way for an assault which the defenders were unable to repel Not only did the capture of La Goietta leave open to the Emperor the road to Tunis. It delivered into his hands the eighty-two Turkish vessels which had sought refuge In the lake, and it convinced him that by forcing the pace he could not only capture Tunis but also Barbarossa. For the moment, he was quite unmindful of the fifteen well armed ships which Khaireddin was holding in reserve at Bona. 21

19 R. B. M., ffl, 309-310. 21 R. B. M^ ffl, 311-315.

The march to Tunis along the northern shore of the lake began on July 20. It was terribly hot and the Christians' water supply was ominously short. Barbarossa, foreseeing this, had drawn up his army In crescent formation so as to bar his foe's access to the only wells along the route, but the pangs of thirst rendered Charles's soldiers desperate, and the ensuing fight was soon decided in their favor. By evening Barbarossa had withdrawn his forces to the shelter of the walls of Tunis, whither the Emperor immediately followed them. He doubtless expected more battles on the morrow, but events had meantime been occurring inside the city which spared him the necessity of further fighting. Within the walls were several thousand Christian captives, who, aided by certain renegades and encouraged by the news of Charles's victories outside, determined to make a bold dash for liberty. Under the lead of a Knight of Malta, they burst into the arsenal, armed themselves, and poured forth to attack the Turks and Moors. By the morning of July 21 Tunis was no longer in a condition to defend itself, and the Emperor was able to enter the city without serious opposition. Then followed the three days of ruthless plundering which were the regular rule on such occasions. Muley Hassan was Installed in power as the vassal of the Emperor, and given a strong Spanish force to garrison La Goletta. In the second and third weeks of August the Christians sailed away in several different squadrons to Spain and Italy. Ostensibly, at least, Charles had scored an important success, and looked forward on his return to receiving the plaudits of a grateful Europe. But at Messina, in October, he got a piece of news which proved to him that his recent campaign had been, after all, comparatively futile, and that the conquest of Tunis mattered little as long as Barbarossa was at large. 22

22 R.B.M M IE, 316-318.

For Barbarossa had made good his escape from Tunis, with several thousand of his followers, in the confusion which reigned there during the Christian sack, and had retired in safety to Bona. Andrea Doria, who had remained at La Goletta, had neglected the Emperor's order to occupy the town. When Barbarossa arrived there he found in the harbor his fifteen best galleys fully armed and equipped, and promptly sailed away with them to Algiers; a squadron which Doria had finally despatched to intercept him proved totally inadequate to accomplish its purpose. But Barbarossa was not satisfied with escaping; he longed for revenge. At Algiers he raised the number of his fleet to thirty-two; then, foreseeing that the Spanish dominions would be so absorbed in getting ready to welcome their victorious sovereign on his return that they would be totally unprepared to meet an attack, he flew the flag of Spain from his masthead, disguised his crews as Christians, and in September sailed boldly forth to attack the Balearics. His daring was rewarded with astonishing success. Everywhere he was received with salutes and rejoicings until at last his identity was made known. It was at Port Alahon in Minorca that he struck his hardest blow. Two Portuguese caravels in the harbor there were captured; 5700 prisoners were taken, and 800 others were slain. On the way back to Algiers he also ravaged the Valencian coast at Oropesa, and sailed away with 6000 ducats which he consented to accept as a ransom for his captives, 23 By February, 15 3 6, he was back again in Constantinople, to be warmly welcomed by Suleiman, who had just returned in triumph from Baghdad, and immediately commanded him to supervise the construction of "two hundred vessels for an expedition against Apulia, to the completion of which he accordingly applied himself." 2 *