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Authors: Christopher Hibbert

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There were, indeed, widespread rumours that he had paid bribes to no fewer than thirteen cardinals, including his main ally, Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, brother of the Duke of Milan and perhaps the most
papabile
of all the cardinals. In return for relinquishing his own ambitions to further those of Rodrigo, Ascanio was promised not only gold, which was reported to have been sent under cover of
darkness to Ascanio’s palace on four heavily laden mules, but also the influential and lucrative office of vice-chancellor, which Rodrigo would have to surrender if he became pope. And along with the job would come the official residence, Rodrigo’s magnificent palace, known as the Cancelleria Vecchia. (It is now the Palazzo Sforza-Cesarini and was completely rebuilt in 1888 to the designs of Pio Piacentini, who retained just one side of the elegant fifteenth century courtyard.)

According to Burchard’s account, ‘Only five cardinals wished to receive nothing, namely the cardinals of Naples, Siena, Lisbon, San Pietro in Vincoli and Santa Maria in Porticu; they alone refused the gratuities, saying that the votes to elect a pope should be given freely and should not be purchased with presents.’ In the end, however, according to the Florentine ambassador’s report of the election, there was only one dissenting voice in the conclave and that was Sixtus IV’s nephew Giuliano della Rovere, the cardinal of San Pietro in Vincoli.

Yet even those who had been most ready to condemn the methods by which the new pope had secured his election were now forced to concede that, guilty as he may well have been of simony, bribery, and sexual incontinence, Alexander VI was both conscientious and competent in the discharge of his duties. Approachable, affable, and good-natured, he was also determined to put a stop to the riotous lawlessness into which Rome had fallen during the pontificate of his predecessor, Innocent VIII.

Accordingly, during September 1492, as Burchard outlined, ‘he established a body of prison inspectors; he also appointed four commissioners whom he charged with listening to all those who had complaints to make in Rome; similarly he reorganized the
functions of the governor of the city and his officers.’ The pope ‘also decided that he would hold an audience every Tuesday which would be open to all citizens, men and women; he himself listened to their complaints and rendered justice in an admirable manner.’ It was not long, therefore, before order was restored; and the Romans could look forward to the pontificate of a man with a highly developed taste for ceremony and pageantry.

‘There was an incredible crowd of prelates,’ wrote Bernardino Corio, the Milanese chronicler, describing the scene outside St Peter’s on August 27, 1492, the day of Alexander VI’s coronation. ‘It was a most wonderful thing to see for each prelate was wearing his mitre and each was clothed according to his particular office; one after another the cardinals approached the Pope to kiss his feet, his hand and his mouth.’

Led by the papal cavalry, the prelates, cardinals, and foreign ambassadors then took part in the
possesso
, the ceremonial procession through the streets of Rome out into the uninhabited area and on through fields and orchards to the Church of San Giovanni in Laterano. Ascanio Sforza, the new vice-chancellor, was attended by twelve pages, ‘each dressed in doublets of crimson satin and purple capes, carrying batons and bearing the arms of his family.’ Altogether there were ‘seven hundred priests and cardinals with their retinues in splendid cavalcade with long lances and glittering shields.’

Riding a snow-white horse sat Alexander VI, ‘serene of countenance and supremely dignified,’ wrote another witness of the parade with fulsome hyperbole. ‘How wonderful is his tranquil bearing, how noble his face, how open, how frank. How greatly does the honour we feel him increase when we behold the dignity
of his bearing . . . He showed himself to the people and blessed them . . . His glance fell upon them and filled every heart with joy.’

It was a stiflingly hot day; the crowds lining the route were described as immense; the air was thick with dust that the street sweepers had vainly tried to allay with bucketfuls of water; it was ‘almost impossible to see the sky.’ The route from the Castel Sant’Angelo to the Lateran took the procession past the ruins of the Colosseum, the great amphitheatre built by Emperor Vespasian, where once audiences of fifty-five thousand had thrilled to gladiatorial games and other spectacles; its cavernous vaults now converted into workshops and storerooms. They passed through enormous triumphal arches specially erected for the occasion and decorated with representations of a huge black bull grazing on a golden field, the striking emblem of the Borgia family, which could also be seen on the flags, pennants, and gonfalons waving in the hands of the cheering crowds.

The festivities over, Alexander VI surveyed his achievements. He was now ‘Sovereign Pontiff, servant of the servants of God, supreme Lord of Rome and of the Papal States.’ As pope and Vicar of Christ, he was also president of the Roman Rota, the court of appeal for the ecclesiastical affairs of Christendom, and one of the most powerful rulers in Europe. His own realm stretched north of Rome as far as Bologna and Ravenna, from Civitavecchia, on the shores of the Mediterranean, to Ancona and Rimini on the Adriatic coast. The Patrimony of St Peter would yield him an annual income of some 100,000 florins a year, a sum that had recently been much increased by the discovery of rich deposits of alum (a sulphate of aluminium and potassium essential to the tanning and
clothing industries) in the hills north of Rome at Tolfa near Civitavecchia.

These Tolfa deposits had been discovered by a Florentine, Giovanni di Castro, who had written to Pius II of his belief that this discovery would save enormous sums in the way of tolls that Italian merchants had hitherto been obliged to pay to the authorities in Asia Minor ever since the European alum mines had been exhausted.

Holy Father [Giovanni di Castro had written], today I bring you victory over the Turks. Every year they extort more than 300,000 ducats from the Christians . . . because the alum mines of Lipari have been worked out. Today I have found seven mountains so rich in alum that they could furnish seven worlds. You will be able to supply enough alum to dye the cloth of the whole of Europe and thus snatch away the profits of the infidel.

 

Since this letter was written, the alum mines north of Rome had contributed handsomely to the income enjoyed by the papacy. While not as large as that of several other European states, it was now sufficient for the balancing of the papal budget, which had been much in debt in the time of Alexander VI’s predecessors. The mines also helped to maintain a small army for the protection of the Papal States and contributed to the gifts that the treasurer of the Apostolic Chamber, the pope’s cousin Francisco Borgia, was authorized to pass on to His Holiness’s indulged children, as well as to the expenses of the elaborate entertainments provided at the papal court.

Powerful and possessed of the sums needed to exercise his authority, Alexander VI was a fortunate man, indeed. He was now sixty-one years old; he had grown rather fat in recent years, and his large and fleshy nose seemed more pronounced than ever. Yet he remained an attractive man capable of exercising great charm, lively in conversation, attentive, and responsive, with an ingratiating manner and ready smile, a sensual nature, a commanding presence, and a sonorous voice. ‘He is handsome, of a most glad countenance,’ his tutor had written of him, and ‘he is also gifted with honeyed eloquence.’ Jacopo Gherardi da Volterra observed of him that he was blessed with a ‘powerful intellect and great imagination,’ adding, ‘He is brilliantly skilled in the conduct of affairs of state.’

The historian Francesco Guicciardini judged him to be a man who

possessed singular cunning and shrewdness, excellent perspicacity, amazing powers of persuasion, and an incredible agility and concentration when dealing with affairs of state; but these qualities were far outweighed by his vices: the most obscene manners, hypocrisy, immodesty, mendacity, infidelity, profanity, insatiable greed, unrestrained ambition, a predilection for viciousness that was worse than barbaric, and a fervent hunger to exalt his many children, among whom there were several no less repellent than the father.

 

Men soon learned that it was dangerous to cross Alexander VI and never to be less than wary in his presence. This was an ambitious pope, powerful, rich, politically astute, and determined to establish his own family in the ranks of Europe’s ruling elite.

— C
HAPTER
5 —
 

Marriages and Alliances

H
E WOULD

SHOW THEM WHO WAS
P
OPE AND
. . .
WOULD MAKE MORE CARDINALS
,
WHETHER THEY LIKED IT OR NOT

 

L
IVING IN THE LUXURIOUS
surroundings of Palazzo Montegiordano, the Orsini residence in Rome, under the care of Adriana da Mila, Rodrigo’s children had grown up protected from the violence and squalor of the city beyond its walls. It seems that Lucrezia received her early education from the ladies of the household, from Spanish tutors, from a priest who presided over the children’s schoolroom, and from the nuns of a nearby convent to which she was regularly conducted. While she spoke Spanish with her brothers and her father, she was also fluent in Italian and French, as well as Latin, and knew some Greek; her syllabus had included rhetoric and humanist literature; she enjoyed reading poetry and wrote her own verses. She was also an accomplished dancer and, indeed, regularly took part in the exhibitions of Valencian dancing arranged by
Rodrigo for the entertainment of himself and his guests. She was a happy, cheerful, and pretty child, adored by all her family.

Like other girls of noble birth, Lucrezia was expected to marry young, to a man of her father’s choice whose connections would be beneficial to the family. In 1490, when she was just ten years old, she was betrothed to a young Spanish nobleman, some fifteen years older than herself, Don Juan de Centelles. The proposed marriage was, however, abandoned a year later when another more desirable suitor appeared in the form of a Spanish grandee, Don Gasparo di Procida, the Count of Aversa, whose lawyers entered into negotiations with those of the cardinal. These lawyers were still negotiating the details of the marriage contract when Rodrigo was elected pope. Now he could set his sights much higher and, according to Burchard, gave the young man ‘3,000 ducats to buy his silence and break the contract’; the pope, he continued, ‘intended thus to raise the status of his daughter.’ Alexander VI’s choice of bridegroom, however, would be one who also brought significant political advantages for himself.

On February 12, 1493, in a ceremony at the Vatican, Lucrezia was formally betrothed, by proxy, to Giovanni Sforza, Lord of Pesaro, a widower twice her age but cousin to Ludovico Sforza, ruler of Milan, and to his brother Cardinal Ascanio, the vice-chancellor.

Four months later, on June 9, Giovanni Sforza arrived in Rome for the marriage, accompanied by forty pack animals and some 280 horsemen, all richly dressed. He made his official entrance into the city through the gate of Santa Maria del Popolo, welcomed by a large crowd and escorted to the Vatican, where he ceremonially kissed the pope’s foot.

The marriage took place three days later, on June 12, when, according to Burchard, ‘the illustrious Giovanni Sforza, Count of Cotignola and Lord of Pesaro, took as his legitimate wife, Lucrezia Borgia, virgin, in her tenth year, or thereabouts’ – Burchard was, unusually for him, misinformed about her age; she had in fact celebrated her thirteenth birthday a few weeks earlier. On the morning of her wedding, in obedience to the instructions of their father, Lucrezia’s brother Juan escorted the young bride from the residence of Gianbattista Zen, cardinal of Santa Maria in Porticu, where she was then living, to the Vatican Palace. Her train was carried by one black girl, while another carried that of her principal attendant, a granddaughter of Innocent VIII. They were followed by well over 150 Roman ladies, led by Giulia Farnese, aptly described by Alexander VI’s master of ceremonies, Johannes Burchard, in his account of the event, as ‘the concubine of the Pope.’

The procession of ladies entered the room where the pope sat on his throne, accompanied by ten cardinals, five seated on each side of him, as well as several priests and deacons. As the ladies filed past the papal throne, much to the annoyance of the master of ceremonies most of them failed to genuflect, despite his scolding, though he was pleased to see that Lucrezia did observe this custom. Then Juan and Lucrezia approached to kiss the pope’s foot, followed this time by all the ladies. Brother and sister remained on their knees, while the rest of the ladies moved back toward the wall. Here also stood Cesare, seemingly annoyed by the prominent role that his younger brother had been accorded in the ceremony.

BOOK: The Borgias
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