The Fifth Season (23 page)

It was Admiral Brown's turn to nod in agreement. Peterson made sense, although the Joint Chiefs' Chairman would not alter his own opinion regarding General Praboyo. He believed the man to be a dangerous cowboy, brutal to the extreme, and most certainly arrogant in approach to others. Brown did not believe that Praboyo would act in the manner Peterson had suggested. The United States would be buying itself a great deal of trouble in the future, if they supported Praboyo's claim on the Presidency.

‘Mr. President,' he started, ‘the Joint Chiefs believe that General Winarko should be given our full support. Besides, Praboyo's former association with
Kopassus
will not disappear even if he should become Indonesia's next leader. The Western Press will never let us forget that he came to power through the excesses of these death squads, and that would put paid to any further defence aid or military sales to the country. Congress would never let it pass.' Admiral Brown's comments went straight to the heart of the matter. He knew he had scored, his President's face had twitched measurably with the mention of Capital Hill. ‘Once calm and stability has been restored under a Winarko Presidency, the Chinese will return. They always have in the past.'

The American President believed this to be true. That, coupled with the sensitive human rights abuses placed accusingly at General Praboyo's feet, influenced his decision.

‘I am inclined to agree with Colin,' he said, supporting the Admiral, while looking directly at Peterson. ‘The Chinese will wait, then when things have returned to normal they will return. As for the Suhapto billions, perhaps we can ask Treasury and State to have a look at having their assets seized should it come to that.' It was clear to the CIA Director that the President's decision had been influenced by the prospect of excessive media attention concerning Praboyo's U.S. ties. He remained quietly considering his options, realizing that they were running out of time.

‘We'll go with Winarko,' his Chief announced, ‘Just make sure he fully understands that we won't support a blood-bath. When Suhapto goes, that should be the end of it,' he insisted, and both men nodded solemnly in concurrence.

An hour later, Wall Street commenced trading in New York. The exchange reacted to the data which had flowed from Geneva, via London, plunging Indonesia into financial darkness, while sending the Japanese Yen into an unprecedented tailspin. The panic driven markets crashed, then rose, and fueled by rumor, plummeted again, finding some semblance of stability towards mid-afternoon as blue chip stocks recovered in value.

But it was not the economic collapse of the world's fourth most populous country which triggered the greatest losses of the day.

Just when they thought the worst had passed, hoarse-voiced traders looked up in dismay as the announcement flashed across the overhead screen. In that moment, Indonesia's woes paled in significance as the Indian Government proudly announced the successful detonation of a fifty-five kiloton nuclear device close to its neighbor's border. The world held its breath, anxiously, awaiting Pakistan's response to this provocative act, and for the Moslem nations to respond.

It was the eleventh day of May

* * * *

Lieutenant General Praboyo grinned widely as his old friend entered and, unobserved by their subordinates, childishly threw mock salutes at each other.

‘How are you finding Kopassus?'
Praboyo inquired.

‘Much the same as when you left it,'
the brigadier answered, grateful that his friendship over the years with this man had delivered the Special Forces Command to him. Between the two of them they now controlled two of the most powerful military forces. Praboyo knew he could depend on the man before him, especially should he require someone to watch his back, as he expected he would, in the not too distant future.

‘Any problems with the Americans?'
Praboyo had managed to convince the Defense Intelligence Attache that
Kopassus
had not been involved in the student kidnappings in any way whatsoever. Several students had been released, due to their family connections, after interrogation. They were warned of the consequences should they reveal anything of their detention to the press, family or friends. The others had been too badly beaten to risk returning to their families. They had been executed, their bodies hastily thrown into unmarked graves behind the rifle range.

‘Have you selected the teams I asked for?'

‘The men are ready. We have enough uniforms to confuse the situation.'

‘Then all we have to do is wait,'
Praboyo declared, encouraged by this news. He had initiated the formation of a number of Special squads to prepare for off-campus student demonstrations, which he expected to take place at any time. Praboyo was determined to use these covert tactics, believing that the standing orders issued by the Jakarta Garrison commander not to use live bullets, would only delay the inevitable.

The men from his former command had been trained to infiltrate other military units whenever the Special Forces believed this necessary.

The teams under discussion had been provided with police uniforms and would be deployed to shoot to kill, whenever the students' demonstrations finally spilled over and onto the streets. These men both firmly believed that the students would then retreat to their campuses as they had in the past, where the ringleaders would be arrested and later tried for their subversive activities.

A month had passed since the President had been re-appointed by Parliament, and his mascot, Hababli, had been elected as Vice President.

Praboyo had hoped that he might have been considered for the position but was satisfied, for the time being, to remain where he was until a more appropriate time arrived. Considering the current political situation, he believed that might be sooner than even he had anticipated. The
Bapak
President

had become most concerned with security, ordering his military to increase its presence within the capital. The generals had complied, and twenty-five thousand crack troops were trucked in from other parts of Java.

Civil unrest continued to plague the country, the students becoming bolder after President Suhapto announced his new Cabinet, taking advantage of the public's awareness that the IMF had postponed all payments due to the blatant, ongoing nepotism. Tuti Suhapto and other members of the First Family's clique had been given prominent Cabinet positions, and would now govern the country.

Food had escalated dramatically in cost, and the country's finances were in total chaos. Suspected of hoarding rice and other essential commodities, Chinese everywhere were targeted by angry mobs, reports identifying attacks in even the most remote towns and villages, throughout the country. Suddenly, for the first time in more than thirty years, there was a justifiable fear amongst the Chinese that the crisis would not be contained, and that to remain in the country would be suicidal.

Those who could afford to do so had already transferred their funds offshore, following their money once seats became available. This additional currency drain further exacerbated the financial crisis, and the Rupiah went into an uncontrollable spin, generating even greater hardship for those already struggling below the poverty line. The students, acting as self-appointed representatives of the people challenged the military's authority, no longer disguising their contempt for those in power, placing placards with the most derogatory caricatures and slogans around the university campuses. Praboyo knew that it would not be long before student activities spilled out onto the capital's streets, providing the catalyst his Moslem associates desired. Haji Abdul Muis would call upon his thirty million followers, and there would be a changing of the guard.

And when this happened, he would be ready.

* * * *

The new wave of rioting rekindled fears of further unrest as the economic crisis continued to bite, sharpening divisions between the poor and the ethnic Chinese minority which controlled Indonesia's commerce, viewed by many as the real culprits for the country's economic plight. Rice shortages had become even more acute, now rationed in the cities whilst in the countryside, many villagers had resorted to eating leaves to survive. Suspected of hoarding, many Chinese were dragged from their homes and murdered.

Lily's apprehension grew as she listened to her uncle
Oom Setio
discuss the latest attacks on Chinese shopkeepers with members of their community. They were confused, as it was obvious that the growing ground-swell of anti-Chinese sentiment was being either ignored by their once friendly President or, as some of their number suggested, even encouraged.

‘… but you heard what the military had to say on television last night!'
the textile merchant argued,
‘the army is asking for an investigation into Chinese
business affairs!'

‘Yes,'
others joined in, agreeing. The broadcast was seen by most Jakarta residents, or at least, those who spoke the local language.

‘I can't believe that they will actually investigate the Low family!'
This, from one of the major cement distributors whose entire fortune had been derived from the Low relationship.
‘What's going on over at the Palace?'
he asked, not really expecting that any of their number knew.

‘I've heard that Chinese owned shops are going to be burned out in Bogor,' 
an agitated property owner moaned.
Oom Setio
was considered to be one of the leading members of this community and most looked to him for guidance and advice.

‘It seems that you might be right,'
the textile king agreed.
‘I have personally
seen signs painted on houses and shops belonging to indigenous traders stating
they are not Chinese; but what concerns me more, many have also painted signs
across their gates that they are Moslems.'

‘What are you going to do with your family?'
Setio was asked. He didn't hesitate, anticipating their families' safety to be foremost on their minds.

‘They'll be safe in Jakarta,'
he answered, reassuringly.
‘The ethnic violence
is mainly concentrated in the smaller, country towns in Java. This city can't
afford to turn on us. The military knows that not to protect us would result in
more than half of Jakarta closing down. I believe that last night's announcement was made to accommodate the President's family. They have attracted a
great deal of attention over the past months, and the Bapak has been very clever,
deflecting much of the growing animosity towards his children and friends
by permitting anti-Chinese sentiment to be expressed through these violent
attacks.'
He paused, and they all waited for him to continue.

‘I don't think this will continue much longer. Once the IMF has permitted
the funds they have committed to flow into the Treasury, then I expect we will
see the military cracking down hard on the students, and everything should soon
return to normal after that.'

‘I agree,'
one of the major shareholders in the country's largest car assembly plant offered.
‘We have seen this all before. Remember the anti-Japanese riots of '74?'
he asked, knowing that none amongst them would have forgotten those frightening days when anti-Tokyo feeling spilled over onto the streets, resulting in an entire shopping centre,
Pasar Senen
, being razed to the ground. Chinese shops had been looted, the gold-shops first to come under attack.
‘Well,'
he continued,
‘this is similar in many ways.'

He looked over at
Oom Setio's
serious face.
‘We should just be careful about
our movements until the situation settles, keep off the streets at night, and avoid
any confrontation with the pribumi people.'
The suggestion that they should avoid contact with their indigenous countrymen brought solemn nods.

‘Are you keeping your children out of school?'
another asked. Some had already done so, while others had sent theirs overseas to Singapore and Australia immediately after the ethnic violence had erupted.

‘No,'
Oom Setio
replied, shaking his head,
‘my children will remain at
school. But, for the time being, I have instructed them to return home once their
lessons are finished and keep off the streets.'
Several of those present nodded in agreement.

‘How long do you really think this will continue?'
someone asked, not addressing any one in particular.

‘Not long,'
Setio promised, wishing that this could be true,
‘probably a
few more weeks then things should return to normal.'
This response was met with meditative silence whilst in the adjacent room, Lily Suryajaya listened, then immediately offered a silent prayer that her wise, and prosperous uncle's predictions would indeed come to pass.

In the week that followed, Lily continued with her studies at the Uber Sakti University amidst signs that the mood between
pribumi
students, and those of Chinese extraction would continue to deteriorate.

But it was on the Friday, as Moslem students prepared for their late-morning prayers, that Lily experienced what it really meant to be a foreigner in her own country. Without warning, her friend Hani Purwadira had looked in her direction, and then raised the issue concerning the number of Chinese students occupying university places which, she emphasized, was unfairly disproportional. Lily was stunned by the out-burst, bewildered that Hani could turn on her so.

The ensuing discussion had been vitriolic, with cutting exchanges wounding both ethnic groups present. In minutes, well-established relationships and friendships were in tatters, ruined forever as students took sides, many screaming insults at each other, their adolescent venom erupting as previously concealed hatreds spewed forth. Although security had prevented the clash from becoming physical, when it was all over, students glared at one another, their eyes and hearts filled with hate and Lily knew then, beyond doubt, that it would never be the same for her again, at least, not in this country.