The Parthenon Enigma (83 page)

178.
Aristotle,
Athenian Constitution
49.

179.
Ibid., 42.

180.
Herodotos,
Histories
8.53; Demosthenes,
On the False Embassy
303.

181.
Fehr,
Becoming Good Democrats and Wives
, esp. 35–40, sees in the west frieze the testing and training of young men and horses, emphasizing equality, discipline, and collectiveness within the group. The bearded figures are seen as role models for the young trainees.

182.
For the genealogical function of architectural sculpture, see T. Hölscher, “Immagini mitologiche e valori sociali nella Grecia arcaica,” in
Im Spiegel des Mythos: Bilderwelt und Lebenswelt Symposium, Rom 19.–20. Februar 1998 = Lo Specchio del Mito
, ed. F. de Angelis and S. Muth (Weisbaden: Ludwig Reichert, 1999), 11–30; Connelly, “Parthenon and
Parthenoi
,” 66; Marconi, “Kosmos,” 222–24. We have already noted the depiction of the royal family of Elis on the east pediment of Zeus’s temple at Olympia (470–456
B.C.
). The genealogical emphasis can be seen even earlier in the sculptures of the temple of Aphaia at Aegina (ca. 500–480
B.C.
), where a localized “take” on the Trojan Wars is shown in the pediments. Here, two of its native sons (King Telamon on the east gable and his grandson Ajax on the west) fight in two successive Trojan Wars, separated by a generation. The first Trojan War is fought against Trojan King Laomedon and the second against King Priam. See E. Simon,
Aias von Salamis als mythische Persönlichkeit
(Stuttgart: F. Steiner, 2003), 20ff. But, of course, we have already tracked this genealogical function for architectural sculpture as far back as the Bluebeard pediment of the Hekatompedon.

183.
Summarized by Castriota,
Myth, Ethos, and Actuality
, 134–38.

184.
Chaniotis, “Dividing Art–Divided Art,” 43.

185.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.27.4; 9.30.1. See C. Ioakimidou,
Die Statuenreihen griechischer Poleis und Bünde aus spätarchaischer und klassischer Zeit
(Munich: Tuduv-Verlagsgesellschaft, 1997), 99–100, 262–73 (interpreted as a state monument for the fallen); R. Krumeich,
Bildnisse griechischer Herrscher und Staatsmänner im 5. Jahrhundert v. Chr.
(Munich: Biering & Brinkmann, 1997), 109–11, 244, no. A58. See M. Korres,
Melete Apokatastaseos tou Parthenonos
4 (Athens, 1994) 124, for discovery of blocks from the base of this statue group, built into the repaired west door of the Parthenon. Korres,
Study for the Restoration of the Parthenon
, 86–87, 124, argues that supports from three surviving blocks of the statue base indicate that the images of Erechtheus, Eumolpos, Tolmides, and the Theainetos all stood together on the same base.

186.
Policoro, Museo Nazionale della Siritide 35304; Proto-Italiote, ca. 400
B.C.
,
LIMC 2
, s.v. “Athena,” no. 177;
LIMC
4, s.v. “Eumolpos,” no. 19; L. Weidauer, “Poseidon und Eumolpos auf einer Pelike aus Policoro,”
AntK
12 (1963): 91–93, plate 41; Clairmont, “Euripides’ Erechtheus and the Erechtheum,” 492, plates 4 and 5;
LCS
55, no. 282; M. Treu, “Der Euripideischer Erechtheus als Zeugnis seiner Zeit,”
Chiron
1 (1971): 115–31.

187.
For earliest references to Poseidon Hippios, see P. Siewert, “Poseidon Hippios am Kolonos und die athenischen Hippeis,” in
Arktouros: Hellenic Studies Presented to Bernard M. W. Knox
, ed. G. Bowersock, W. Burkert, and M. C. J. Putnam (Berlin: W. de Gruyter, 1979), 280–89.

188.
Hurwit,
Athenian Acropolis
, 223.

189.
A research model long examined by the so-called French School associated with the Centre Louis Gernet. See, for example, F. Lissarrague,
Vases Grecs: Les Athéniens et leurs images
(Paris: Hazan, 1999); A. Schnapp, “De la cité des images à la cité dans l’image,”
Métis
9 (1994): 209–18; and the collection of essays in Bérard et al.,
La cité des images
.

190.
Euripides,
Ion
184–218.

191.
Sourvinou-Inwood,
Tragedy and Athenian Religion
(Lanham, Md.: Lexington Books, 2003), 25–30; Sourvinou-Inwood, “Tragedy and Anthropology,” in
A Companion to Greek Tragedy
, ed. J. Gregory (Oxford: Blackwell, 2005), 297–302.

192.
Euripides,
Erechtheus
F 351 Kannicht. Translation: Collard and Cropp,
Euripides VII: Fragments
, 371.

193.
Euripides,
Erechtheus
F 360.46–49 Kannicht.

194.
Euripides, Erechtheus
F 369.2–5 Kannicht. Translation: Collard and Cropp,
Euripides VII: Fragments
, 387, 389.

195.
Translation: Collard and Cropp,
Euripides VII: Fragments
, 387.

196.
Euripides,
Erechtheus
F 370{–369d} 9–10 Kannicht. Translation: Collard and Cropp,
Euripides VII: Fragments
, 389.

197.
Marconi, “Degrees of Visibility,” 166–67.

198. Ibid., 157–73. Marconi tracks Athenian taste for excess in sculptural decoration back to the Athenian Treasury at Delphi, probably built in the 480s
B.C.

199.
Language that is
enargês
(“vivid” and “with life-giving clarity”) generates a surplus of linguistic power that can be deployed in politics alongside other forms of power. See Allen,
Why Plato Wrote
, 26, 36, 43, 58–61, 63, 81, 89, 90, 105, 106, 139, 173, 179, 192.

6 WHY THE PARTHENON

1.
Carroll,
Parthenon Inscription
, 1; Andrews, “How a Riddle of the Parthenon Was Unraveled.” Andrews (303) remarks that, from a perspective of some 45 feet (13.7 meters) below, the architrave looked like the top of a pepperbox, riddled with nail holes from the attached letters. They were hard to distinguish from old bullet holes left from the Ottoman period.

2.
Andrews remarks that each morning when he awoke in his room at the American School of Classical Studies (on the slopes of Mount Lykabettos), he would rush to his window with field glasses, looking out at the Acropolis to see if his squeezes had survived the night. Andrews, “How a Riddle of the Parthenon Was Unraveled,” 304.

3.
In a letter to his sister Andrews writes: “The inscription proved to be a dedication to Nero, whereat I’m much disgusted.” See Carroll,
Parthenon Inscription
, 7.

4.
Arrian,
Anabasis
1.16.7; Plutarch,
Life of Alexander
16.8.

5.
Plutarch,
Life of Alexander
16.17; Pritchett,
Greek State at War
, 3:288.

6.
SEG
32 251. Translation by S. Dow, “Andrews of Cornell,”
Cornell Alumni News
75 (1972): 13–21, who made some additions to Andrews’s reconstruction of the text. See Carroll,
Parthenon Inscription
, 12–15, fig. 5.

7.
See paper given by G. Alföldy, “Der Glanz der römischen Epigraphik: litterae aureae,” at the conference
Festvortrag des Ehrendoktors der Universität Wien emer. Prof. Dr. Dr. h. c. mult. Géza Alföldy
, University of Heidelberg, June 28, 2011, forthcoming. For Augustus’s introduction of such “golden letters” on attached metal dedications, see G. Alföldy, “Augustus und die Inschriften: Tradition und Innovation: Die Geburt der imperialen Epigraphik,”
Gymnasium
98 (1991): 289–324. Like Eugene Andrews, Alföldy has similarly examined dowel holes to decipher lost dedicatory inscriptions, including those on the Colosseum: G. Alföldy, “Eine Bauinschrift aus dem Colosseum,”
ZPE
109 (1995): 195–226, as well as on the Roman aqueduct at Segovia on the Iberian peninsula: Alföldy, “Inschrift des Aquädukts von Segovia: Ein Vorbericht,”
ZPE
94 (1992): 231–48. I am indebted to Angelos Chaniotis and Michael Peachin for these references.

8.
Carroll,
Parthenon Inscription
, 7.

9.
Translation: Collard and Cropp,
Euripides VII: Fragments
, 387.

10.
Plutarch,
Life of Nikias
9.5.

11.
Pritchett,
Greek State at War;
Pritchard,
War, Democracy, and Culture;
A. Chaniotis,
War in the Hellenistic World
(Malden, Mass.: Blackwell, 2005); H. van Wees,
Greek Warfare: Myths and Rituals
(London: Bristol Classical Press, 2004); K. Raaflaub, “Archaic and Classical Greece,” in
War and Society in the Ancient and Medieval Worlds: Asia, the Mediterranean, Europe, and Mesoamerica
, ed. K. Raaflaub and N. Rosenstein (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard
University Press, 1999), 129–61; Whitley, “Monuments That Stood Before Marathon”; Rich and Shipley,
War and Society in the Greek World;
B. Lincoln,
Death, War, and Sacrifice: Studies in Ideology and Practice
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991); E. Vermeule,
Aspects of Death in Early Greek Art and Poetry
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979).

12.
Plato,
Laws
1.626a.

13.
D. Kagan,
The Outbreak of the Peloponnesian War
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1969); D. Kagan,
The Archidamian War
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1974); D. Kagan,
The Peace of Nicias and the Sicilian Expedition
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1981); D. Kagan,
The Fall of the Athenian Empire
(Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1987); D. Kagan,
The Peloponnesian War
(New York: Viking Press, 2003); Hanson,
A War Like No Other
; V. D. Hanson,
Warfare and Agriculture in Classical Greece
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983).

14.
Xenophon,
Agesilaus
2.14.

15.
Herodotus,
Histories
7.9. Translation: Godley,
Herodotus: Histories
, 315.

16.
P. Vaughn, “The Identification and Retrieval of the Hoplite Battle-Dead,” in Hanson,
Hoplites
, 38–62.

17.
Polyainos,
Strategies
1.17; Diodoros Siculus,
Library
8.27.2; Pritchett,
Greek State at War
, 4:243–46; J. H. Leopold, “De scytala laconica,”
Mnemosyne
28 (1900): 365–91.

18.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.29. N. Arrington, “Inscribing Defeat: The Commemorative Dynamics of the Athenian Casualty Lists,”
ClAnt
30 (2011): 179–212.

19.
Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
2.34.1–5.

20.
Nathan Arrington has plotted all excavated remains associated with the public cemetery along the Academy Road; see Arrington, “Topographic Semantics,” and his forthcoming monograph
Ashes, Images, and Memories: The Presence of the War Dead in Fifth-Century Athens
.

21.
For the excavations, see T. Karagiorga-Stathakopoulou, “Ѓ Eφορεία Προϊστορικών και Kλασικώv Aρχαιοτήτων”
ArchDelt
33 (1978): B I , 10–42, esp. 18–20. For the inscriptions, see A. P. Matthaiou, “’Hρίον Λυκούργου Λυκόφρονς Βουτάδου,”
Horos
5 (1987): 31–44 (
SEG
37.160–62); Arrington, “Topographic Semantics,” 520; Pausanias,
Description of Greece
1.29.15, sees the tomb of Lykourgos near the Academy during his visit to the public cemetery.

22.
As Onassander,
Strategikos
36.1–2, put it: “For if the dead are not buried, each soldier believes that no care will be taken of his own body, should he chance to fall.” See P. Low, “Commemoration of the War Dead in Classical Athens: Remembering Defeat and Victory,” in Pritchard,
War, Democracy, and Culture
, 342–58.

23.
V. D. Hanson,
The Western Way of War: Infantry Battle in Classical Greece
(Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989).

24.
V. D. Hanson,
A War Like No Other
, 252; Hale,
Lords of the Sea
, 95, 120–21, 208.

25.
Thucydides,
Peloponnesian War
8.1.2–4. Translation: Jowett,
Thucydides
, with changes.

26.
Snodgrass,
Archaic Greece
, 53–54; A. Snodgrass,
Early Greek Armor and Weapons from the End of the Bronze Age to 600
B.C.
(Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1964).

27.
Snodgrass, “Interaction by Design”; Snodgrass,
Archaic Greece
, 131ff.; Morgan,
Athletes and Oracles
, 16–25, 233–34.

28.
The traditional date for the founding of the Olympics is 776 B.C., the Pythian Games in 586, the Isthmian Games in 582, and the Nemean Games in 573. Morgan,
Athletes and Oracles
, 16–20, 212–14.

29.
Snodgrass, “Interaction by Design”; Morgan,
Athletes and Oracles
, 16–25, 203.

30.
Snodgrass,
Archaic Greece
, 131.

31.
A. H. Jackson, “Hoplites and the Gods: The Dedication of Captured Arms and Armour,” in Hanson,
Hoplites
, 228–49, esp. 244–45.

32.
A. Jackson, “Arms and Armour in the Panhellenic Sanctuary of Poseidon at Isthmia,” in Coulson and Kyrieleis,
Proceedings of an International Symposium on the Olympic Games
. Jackson will further discuss this material in his volume on arms and armor.

33.
Pausanias,
Description of Greece
10.8.7. P. Kaplan, “Dedications to Greek
Sanctuaries by Foreign Kings in the Eighth Through Sixth Centuries
BCE
,”
Historia
55 (2006): 129–52.