The Road to Berlin (129 page)

Krebs:
My first question: there will be no firing during the talks?

Chuikov (picking up the telephone):
Connect me with Marshal Zhukov. Chuikov reporting. General of Infantry Krebs is here. He has been authorized by the German authorities to hold talks with us. He states that Hitler ended his life by suicide. I ask you to inform Comrade Stalin that power is now in the hands of Goebbels, Bormann and Admiral Dönitz (under the terms of Hitler’s testament). Krebs is empowered to hold talks with us on a cease-fire. Krebs suggests a cessation of military operations during these talks. I will ask at once.

Chuikov to Krebs:
When did Hitler kill himself?

Krebs:
Today at 1550 hours. I beg your pardon, that was yesterday.…

Chuikov (repeating the statement):
Yesterday at 1550 hours. About peace? No, he has said nothing about that. I will ask him straight away. Yes, of course, understood.

Chuikov to Krebs:
Marshal Zhukov is asking if you wish to discuss capitulation?

Krebs:
No. There are other possibilities.

Chuikov to Zhukov:
No, he says that there are other ways of making peace. No. This other government is approaching the allies and exploring other possibilities. Does Krebs know about this? He hasn’t mentioned it so far. They have no communications with the allies.

Chuikov, listening to Zhukov’s instructions:
… Yes … Yes. He is Goebbels’ plenipotentiary—the
Reichskanzler
, but Bormann remains secretary of the Party. He says that we are the first to be told about the death of Hitler and his testament. You, Comrade Marshal and I.…

… You will consult Moscow? I will wait by the telephone. Understood. Krebs is not a plenipotentiary, but we can talk this matter over.

Understood, Comrade Marshal! And what about the rest? Clear, I understand. [Text and translations from author’s ‘Moscow Notebooks’, 1963–65.]

Marshal Zhukov lost no time in telephoning Stalin, only to be told by the duty general in Moscow that Stalin had just gone to bed. Then wake him, ordered Zhukov, for here was news that could not wait. Once on the telephone Stalin listened to Zhukov’s report on the arrival of Krebs, notification of Hitler’s suicide, Goebbels’ letter and the proposal for a cease-fire. Stalin replied in his own fashion:
‘Doigralsya, podlets!’
(‘So—that’s the end of the bastard’). ‘Too bad that we did not manage to take him alive. Where is Hitler’s body?’ Zhukov informed him that Krebs had said that the body was burned. As to the talks, Stalin required that General Sokolovskii should rule out any kind of negotiation and stick only to unconditional surrender—‘no negotiation with Krebs or any other Hitlerites’. Should nothing out of the ordinary happen, Zhukov could report in the morning; Stalin was going back to bed, to rest for the May Day parade.

Zhukov made sure that Chuikov was left in no doubt about the Soviet requirement. Chuikov put the point bluntly to Krebs:

Chuikov:
We can hold talks with you only in the event of complete capitulation to the USSR, the USA and England.

Krebs:
In order to satisfy your demands, I request a temporary cease-fire.

Chuikov, into the telephone to Zhukov:
He cannot discuss complete capitulation until he has become acquainted with the general situation of the new German government. When he has found out, then he will report. He is empowered only for talks. Yes, I will ask.

Chuikov to Krebs:
Will you surrender right away?

Krebs:
I must have the agreement of my government. Perhaps a new government will be established in the south. So far there is only a government in Berlin. We are asking for a cease-fire.

Chuikov, into the telephone:
They are asking for a truce—for talks. Possibly, there may be a general German government.… Yes, understood, good.… I can hear you [Zhukov], I understand.… What? Good, I will.

Chuikov to Krebs:
The question of a truce can only be decided on the basis of a general capitulation.

Krebs:
Then you will overrun the area where the German government is and you will wipe out all Germans.

Chuikov:
We did not set out to destroy the German people.

Krebs:
The Germans will not be able to work.…

Chuikov:
Germans are already working with us.

Krebs:
We are asking you to recognize the German government till
[do]
full capitulation, get in touch with it and give us the possibility of contacting your government.…

Chuikov:
We have only one condition—
general surrender
.

Krebs:
But we were thinking that the USSR would consider the new legal German government. That would be favourable and acceptable to both sides.

At this point, shortly after 4.30 am, Krebs broke into Russian and again asked for a temporary cease-fire. He explained that he could not conduct any other kind of negotiation. ‘Sir’, he said, ‘I am only a plenipotentiary. I cannot answer for my government.’ Chuikov returned an abrupt answer: ‘My suggestion is plain enough.’ Krebs took the point and even admitted that the German government
was
passé
—‘You, you are powerful, we know this and you also think the same thing.’ Chuikov rounded on Krebs at this juncture and challenged him directly: ‘Of course we know this and you
must
get it clear. You will go on fighting in this futile fashion and squander people. Now let me ask you a question: what is the point of this struggle?’ General Krebs wasted no words with his reply: ‘We will fight to the very end
(do poslednevo)
.’ Chuikov repeated once more: ‘I am waiting for a general surrender.’ General Krebs replied tersely, ‘No’. Softening this blow, Krebs went on to explain that in the event of complete and total capitulation, ‘we would not legally exist as a government’.

Aching for sleep, Chuikov kept the talks going. After a desultory exchange Chuikov told Krebs that resistance was ending of its own accord, with the Berlin garrison downing arms, at which Krebs denied that this was mass surrender—only isolated incidents. Turning to the situation at large Chuikov showed Krebs the latest editions of the Soviet newspapers which carried reports of Himmler’s negotiations with the United States and Great Britain. Krebs responded by saying that Himmler was not authorized to do this, that all feared him and that, in any event, he knows nothing of Hitler’s suicide. But surely, Chuikov interposed, German radio transmitters are working and Himmler actually offered unilateral negotiations by radio. Krebs could only shrug and say that this was a ‘partial measure, based on other considerations’, but he reacted angrily to a report brought to Chuikov that Hitler was at this moment in the
Tiergarten: ‘Eto lozh’
(‘That’s a lie’). Increasingly irritated, Chuikov pointed out that spilling more blood was pointless, and Krebs again asked for a truce and communications with the Allies. Chuikov could not enact this on his own authority, while Krebs continued to insist that in the event of general capitulation it would be impossible to form the new government.
Sonderführer
Neilandis took it on himself not only to translate this statement but added—much to Krebs’ fury—the phrase ‘Berlin decides for the whole of Germany’. Dispensing summarily with his services Krebs continued himself in Russian: ‘I will speak Russian myself. I fear that another government will be formed, which will be contrary to Hitler’s decision. I have only heard Stockholm radio, but it seems to me that Himmler’s talks with the Allies have gone quite some way.’ Chuikov refuted that categorically: the Allies worked by mutual consultation and this was only a case of unsuccessful diplomatic blackmail. But were not the Russians interested in forming a new government, Krebs asked? Chuikov asked in turn just what was Krebs counting on—the most popular government now would be one which concluded peace—only to have Krebs counter with his insistent plea that the present task was to form a government and conclude peace with the ‘victor-power’—the USSR. Patiently Chuikov explained once again: the Russians and the Allies demanded unconditional surrender.

Maj.-Gen. Semenov, the political member of 8th Guards Army Military Soviet, arrived at this point. Chuikov and Krebs talked about their military careers and Krebs for the first time learned that he was facing the renowned ‘Tschuikov’, the commander of the 62nd Army at Stalingrad. A little later Chuikov turned
to Krebs and suggested that perhaps they might lay on a telephone link to Goebbels. Krebs accepted with alacrity—possibly Chuikov could talk directly with Goebbels. With a large map of Berlin spread before him Chuikov took telephone reports on the battle situation and then telephoned Marshal Zhukov: he informed him that Guderian had been ill since 15 March, that Krebs was now Chief of the General Staff and in turn listened to some instructions from Zhukov. Krebs now learned that Zhukov wished to have more details of the German proposals and spoke at once in Russian: ‘My document is signed by Goebbels.’ Chuikov proceeded to relay this to Zhukov by telephone:

We empower General Hans Krebs as follows: We inform the leader of the Soviet people that today at 15 hours 50 minutes the
Führer
voluntarily quitted this life. On the basis of his legal right the
Führer
conferred all power through the testament he left to Dönitz, myself and Bormann. I am empowered by Bormann to establish contact with the leader of the Soviet people. This contact is essential for peace talks between the two powers who suffered the heaviest losses.

Goebbels

Outside a
Katyusha
rocket-launcher fired off a salvo.

Krebs then launched into a general denunciation of Himmler, who had worked against the
Führer
and now plotted to conclude a separate peace with the western allies and bring disunity. The
Führer
had felt this treason keenly, indeed this had been one of the reasons for his suicide. The
Führer’s
way had been to search out a path to peace, above all with Russia. Chuikov probed as best he might into these intrigues and divisions within the Nazi leadership, hazarding a few guesses of his own and learning in the process that all German units would be transferred ‘from there’—just where Krebs did not specify—to fight in Berlin and in the east. Krebs supplied more details on the composition of the new government and the location of its several members, whereupon Chuikov asked who would be empowered to conduct final talks with the Soviet Union and the western allies. Krebs replied that, it would be Goebbels and Bormann, presently in Berlin—and what would the other members of the government do in this case, Chuikov asked? ‘They would fulfil the
Führer’s
order’, Krebs replied equitably. Would the troops recognize the new government? Given the broadcasting of the
Führer’s
testament, Krebs thought this acceptance most likely—but this step should be taken without delay before the appearance of ‘another government’. ‘You are really afraid of this other government?’, Chuikov asked Krebs, who repeated again the talk of Himmler’s treason and the possibility of his organizing a new government.

This bizarre dialogue now came full circle. Chuikov asked Krebs how he proposed to get in touch with the other areas of Germany, since they were presently isolated. Krebs responded at once: through a temporary cease-fire, whereupon everything would be announced. Chuikov confessed himself baffled at this. Krebs went on to elaborate, stressing that with Soviet co-operation they could get in touch with other areas by ‘air and other means’. The implications
struck Chuikov forcefully: a German government was to be brought into existence in order to collect all its forces and then continue the war. Krebs denied this vehemently, since the object would be to start talks and end the war. Why not the opposite, Chuikov suggested, first end the war and then start talks? Krebs was quite unable to respond: ‘My government can answer that, but not me.’

The pointless wrangle continued, interrupted as Chuikov reported more details to Marshal Zhukov. Krebs clung frantically to the argument that this new government—sanctioned by Hitler’s testament and then recognized by the Russians—would stop the war, but only after recognition. Chuikov protested: this was neither war nor peace. Krebs retorted that he would stop the firing on that sector where it occurred, but above all he was concerned to prevent the emergence in Germany of ‘a new illegal government’. A truce, Krebs suggested; capitulate, Chuikov repeated once more. There was little else Chuikov could say or do until instruction arrived from Moscow and at this juncture requests for additional information rained down from Marshal Zuhkov, who had already dispatched his deputy commander, General Sokolovskii, to attend the talks. The mire, however, only seemed to deepen. Krebs produced an appendix of names included in the government nominated in Hitler’s testament, a paper Chuikov ordered to be dispatched at once to Zhukov, after which he turned to Krebs yet again with a question—‘The object of your trip here—to have talks only with the USSR?’ Krebs agreed that this was so, talks only with the USSR. ‘But through us and with our other allies?’, Chuikov prompted. Given an extension of his authority—then with the other allies, was all the reply Krebs would make; in an effort to be helpful, he went on to explain his own ‘firm conviction’ that in the event of capitulation in Berlin, the new government would never meet, and this would be in breach of the
Führer’s
testament. General surrender cannot be enacted until the new government has been recognized.

The arrival of General Sokolovskii helped to relieve the monotony but it did not break the deadlock, which, Chuikov thought, was assuming a farcical aspect. Sokolovskii failed to persuade Krebs that surrender and only surrender would meet the situation. Chuikov reported Krebs’s refusal to modify his position to Zhukov, retailing details of the argument that surrender would be impossible without Dönitz and at present Dönitz knew nothing of the turn of events. After a brief talk with von Dufving, Krebs returned to his theme, pointing to Germany’s present plight but stressing that Hitler’s authority—even if diminished—still held and the new government would be based on that authority; the new government might conceivably be more broadly based, though all must now fear Britain and France fastening a ‘capitalist order’—
kapitalisticheskii stroi
—on the country and then woe betide Germany. Stalin by himself did not desire the destruction of Germany, but Anglo–American plans to dismember Germany promised only a terrible prospect. This display of fantastic, fanatical argumentation was cut short at 10.15 am when Moscow finally signalled its decision: general capitulation or the capitulation of Berlin, or else the renewal of the full artillery bombardment.
Lt.-Gen. Dukhanov announced that he was issuing the requisite orders. Krebs could only sit wringing his hands, deploring the bloody dénouement, repeating that surrender was ruled out and insisting that Goebbels could not authorize it without Dönitz.