The Silk Road: A New History (52 page)

44.
Tang,
Tulufan chutu wenshu
, 3: 517.

45.
Luo Feng,
Hu Han zhi jian—“Sichou zhi lu” yu xibei lishi kaogu
[Between non-Chinese and Chinese: The Silk Road and historical archeology of China’s northwestern regions] (Beijing: Wenwu Chubanshe, 2004), 147.

46.
Luo Feng,
Hu Han zhi jian
, 117–120; François Thierry and Cecile Morrisson, “Sur les monnaies byzantines trouvées en Chine,”
Revue Numismatique
36 (1994): 109–45.

47.
Helen Wang,
Money on the Silk Road
, 34.

48.
The chart in Luo Feng,
Hu Han zhi jian
, 146, lists thirty-two genuine and fifteen imitation gold coins found in China. The Chinese-language literature about these coins is too extensive to list here. See Luo Feng’s thorough notes instead.

49.
Lin Ying and Maitelixi [Michael Metlich], “Luoyang faxian de Li’ao yishi jinbi kaoshi” [The gold coin of Leo I found in Luoyang city],
Zhongguo Qianbi
90, no. 3 (2005): 70–72.

50.
Five coins were found in the Northern Zhou tomb of Tian Hong; Luo Feng,
Hu Han zhi jian
, 118, items 21–24.

51.
Luo Feng,
Hu Han zhi jian
, 96.

52.
Wu Zhen, “‘Hu’ Non-Chinese as They Appear in the Materials from the Astana Graveyard at Turfan,”
Sino-Platonic Papers
119 (Summer 2002): 7.

53.
Yoshida Yutaka, “On the Origin of the Sogdian Surname Zhaowu and Related Problems,”
Journal Asiatique
291, nos. 1–2 (2003): 35–67.

54.
Yoshida Yutaka and Kageyama Etsuko, “Appendix I: Sogdian Names in Chinese Characters, Pinyin, Reconstructed Sogdian Pronunciation, and English Meanings,” in Vaissière and Trombert,
Les Sogdiens en Chine
, 305–6.

55.
In the sixth and seventh centuries, most of the Sogdians in Turfan were Zoroastrians, not Manichaeans. See Valerie Hansen, “The Impact of the Silk Road Trade on a Local Community: The Turfan Oasis, 500–800,” in Vaissière and Trombert,
Les Sogdiens en Chine
, 283–310, esp. 299.

56.
Kageyama Etsuko, “Higashi Torukisutan shutsudo no ossuari (Zoroasutā kyōto no nōkotsuki ni tsuite)” [The ossuaries (bone receptacles of Zoroastrians) unearthed in Chinese Turkestan],
Oriento
40, no. 1 (1997): 73–89.

57.
Zhang Guangda, “Iranian Religious Evidence in Turfan Chinese Texts,”
China Archaeology and Art Digest
4, no. 1 (2000): 193–206.

58.
Sabao
is the Chinese transcription of the Sogdian word, s’rtp’w, which was borrowed (maybe via Bactrian) from the Sanskrit
sārthavāha
, “caravan leader.” Yoshida Yutaka, “Sogudogo zatsuroku, II” [Sogdian miscellany, II],
Oriento
31, no. 2 (1988): 168–71.

59.
Hansen, “Impact of the Silk Road Trade,” 297–98.

60.
Tulufan diqu wenwuju, “Xinjiang Tulufan diqu Badamu mudi fajue jianbao” [Brief report of excavations at the Badamu graveyard in Turfan, Xinjiang],
Kaogu
2006, no. 12: 47–72.

61.
Jonathan Karam Skaff, “Documenting Sogdian Society at Turfan in the Seventh and Eighth Centuries: Tang Dynasty Census Records as a Window on Cultural Distinction and Change,” in Vaissière and Trombert,
Les Sogdiens en Chine
, 311–41.

62.
The documents are not dated, but they contain the name of one man, Ju Buliu(lu)duo in Chinese, Parwēkht in Sogdian, whose name appears in another document that can be dated to 619. See Skaff, “Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Silver Coins,” 90n71.

63.
Skaff, “Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Silver Coins,” 93–95.

64.
Eight notations indicate that no tax was paid during the previous half month, meaning that no tax was paid for a total of four months during the course of the year.

65.
The weight of the Chinese pound (jin) during the Gaochang period is not known because no weights from the time have been excavated. The Jin dynasty used the older system, and the Gaochang Kingdom adopted many measures from the Jin dynasty, so it seems most likely that the value of the jin in these documents was around 200 grams. Chen Guocan, personal communication, May 18, 2006.

66.
Skaff, “Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Silver Coins,” 93.

67.
Ronald M. Nowak,
Walker’s Mammals of the World
, 5th ed. (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1991), 2:1357.

68.
Discussed more fully in Valerie Hansen, “How Business Was Conducted on the Chinese Silk Road during the Tang Dynasty, 618–907,” in
Origins of Value: The Financial Innovations That Created Modern Capital Markets
, ed. William N. Goetzmann and K. Geert Rouwenhorst (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), 43–64; Arakawa Masaharu, “Sogdian Merchants and Chinese Han Merchants during the Tang Dynasty,” in Vaissière and Trombert,
Les Sogdiens en Chine
, 231–42.

69.
Éric Trombert, “Textiles et tissus sur la route de la soie: Eléments pour une géographie de la production et des échanges,” in Drège,
La Serinde, terre d’échanges
, 107–20, esp. 108.

70.
Trombert, “Textiles et tissus”; Michel Cartier, “Sapèques et tissus à l’époque des T’ang (618–906),”
Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient
19, no. 3 (1976): 323–44.

71.
Hansen,
Negotiating Daily Life
, 51–52.

72.
Arakawa Masaharu, “The Transit Permit System of the Tang Empire and the Passage of Merchants,”
Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko
59 (2001): 1–21; Cheng Xilin,
Tangdai guosuo yanjiu
, 239–45.

73.
Arakawa, “Transit Permit System,” offers a full translation of the pass (8–10) and a sketch map of his route (11).

74.
Skaff, “Sasanian and Arab-Sasanian Silver Coins,” 97–98.

75.
Tang,
Tulufan chutu wenshu
, 4:281–97.

76.
Hansen, “Impact of the Silk Road Trade.”

77.
Wallace Johnson, trans.,
The T’ang Code
, vol. 2,
Specific Articles
(Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1997), 482; Denis Twitchett, “The T’ang Market System,”
Asia Major
12 (1963): 245. The Turfan register, cited below, gives prices set two weeks apart.

78.
Ikeda On ordered and transcribed the document in
Chūgoku kodai sekichō kenkyū
[Studies in ancient Chinese household registers] (Tokyo: Tōkyō Daigaku Tōyō Bunka Kenkyūjo, 1979), 447–62. Éric Trombert and Étienne de la Vaissière have provided extensive commentary as well as a full translation into French: “Le prix de denrées sur le marché de Turfan en 743,” in
Études de Dunhuang et Turfan
, ed. Jean-Pierre Drège (Geneva, Switzerland: Droz, 2007), 1–52.

79.
The second digit after the 20 is missing; it must be 7.

80.
Arakawa, “Transit Permit System,” 13.

81.
Wang Binghua, “Tulufan chutu Tangdai yongdiaobu yanjiu” [Studies in the
yongdiao
tax cloths of the Tang dynasty excavated at Turfan],
Wenwu
1981, no. 1: 56–62. Helen Wang kindly provided a copy of her forthcoming translation of this article.

82.
Jonathan Karam Skaff, “Straddling Steppe and Sown: Tang China’s Relations with the Nomads of Inner Asia (640–756)” (Ph.D. diss., University of Michigan, 1998).

83.
Skaff, “Straddling Steppe and Sown,” 224, 82n147, chart on 86; Du You,
Tongdian
[Encyclopedic history of institutions] (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1988), 6:111. Skaff’s is the most recent and sustained effort in English, with detailed references to Chinese and Japanese works. See also Arakawa Masaharu,
Oashisu kokka to kyaraban kōeki
[The oasis countries and the caravan trade] (Tokyo: Yamakawa Shuppansha, 2003).

84.
Skaff, “Straddling Steppe and Sown,” 86, 244; D. C. Twitchett,
Financial Administration under the T’ang Dynasty
, 2nd ed. (Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1970), 86.

85.
Jonathan Karam Skaff, “Barbarians at the Gates? The Tang Frontier Military and the An Lushan Rebellion,”
War and Society
18, no. 2 (2000): 23–35, esp. 28, 33.

86.
Twitchett,
Financial Administration
, 97–123.

87.
Larry Clark points out the difficulties of determining the exact year in which the kaghan converted; he could have converted in 755–56, 761, or 763. See his “The Conversion of Bügü Khan to Manichaeism,” in Emmerick,
Studia Manichaica
, 83–123.

88.
Hans-J. Klimkeit, “Manichaean Kingship: Gnosis at Home in the World,”
Numen
29, no. 1 (1982): 17–32.

89.
Michael R. Drompp,
Tang China and the Collapse of the Uighur Empire: A Documentary History
(Leiden, The Netherlands: Brill, 2005), 36–38; Zhang and Rong, “Concise History of the Turfan Oasis,” 20–21; Moriyasu Takao, “Qui des Ouighours ou des Tibetains,” 193–205.

90.
Moriyasu Takao, “Notes on Uighur Documents,”
Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko
53 (1995): 67–108.

91.
Nicholas Sims-Williams, “Sogdian and Turkish Christians in the Turfan and Tun-huang Manuscripts,” in
Turfan and Tun-huang, the Texts: Encounter of Civilizations on the Silk Route
, ed. Alfredo Cadonna (Florence, Italy: Leo S. Olschki Editore, 1992), 43–61; Nicholas Sims-Williams, “Christianity, iii. In Central Asia and Chinese Turkestan,” in
Encyclopædia Iranica
, Online Edition, October 18, 2011, available at
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/christianity-iii
; Sims-Williams, “Bulayïq,” in
Encyclopædia Iranica
, Online Edition, December 15, 1989, available at
http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/bulayq-town-in-eastern-turkestan
.

92.
S. P. Brock, “The ‘Nestorian’ Church: A Lamentable Misnomer,”
Bulletin of the John Rylands University Library of Manchester
78, no. 3 (1996): 23–35.

93.
For a full translation, see Hans-Joachim Klimkeit,
Gnosis on the Silk Road: Gnostic Texts from Central Asia
(San Francisco: HarperSanFrancisco, 1993), 353–56.

94.
Klimkeit,
Gnosis on the Silk Road
, 40–41.

95.
Zsuzsanna Gulacsi,
Manichaean Art in Berlin Collections
(Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2001), 70–75.

96.
Moriyasu Takao,
Uiguru-Manikyō shi no kenkyū
[Research in the history of Manichaeism under the Uighurs] (Osaka: Ōsaka Daigaku Bungakubu, 1991), 18–27, plate 1.

97.
Werner Sundermann, “Completion and Correction of Archaeological Work by Philological Means: The Case of the Turfan Texts,” in
Histoire et cultes de l’Asie centrale préislamique
, ed. Paul Bernard and Frantz Grenet (Paris: Éditions du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1991), 283–89.

98.
Zhang and Rong, “Concise History of the Turfan Oasis,” 20–21; Morris Rossabi, “Ming China and Turfan, 1406–1517,”
Central Asiatic Journal
16 (1972): 206–25.

99.
Perdue,
China Marches West.

CHAPTER 4

Étienne de la Vaissière, École Pratique des Hautes Études; Frantz Grenet, Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique; the late Boris I. Marshak, Hermitage Museum; and Kevin van Bladel, University of Southern California, each went over earlier drafts of this chapter with meticulous care. The late Professor Marshak taught two classes at Yale during the spring of 2002; my discussion of Panjikent draws heavily on my notes from his lectures. Oktor Skjaervø, Harvard University, checked the translations against the Sogdian originals and made many helpful suggestions. I also want to thank Asel Umurzakova for her help in locating and reading Russian materials and Nikolaos A. Chrissidis for additional research assistance.

1.
Shiratori, “Study on Su-t’ê,” 81–145.

2.
Huili and Yancong,
Sanzang fashi zhuan
, 27.

3.
Arthur Waley,
The Real Tripitaka and Other Pieces
(London: George Allen & Unwin, 1952), 21.

4.
Scholars are not certain which route Xuanzang took through the Tianshan mountains. One possible route crossed the Bedal Pass, which is not that high. The more likely route went directly north from Kucha to the heartland of the Western Turks, near Little Khonakhai in northern Xinjiang, and then due west to Lake Issyk-kul. See Xiang Da, “Rehai dao xiaokao” [A brief examination of the routes around Issuk-kul],
Wenwu
1962, nos. 7–8: 35.

5.
Beal,
Life of Hiuen-tsiang
, 25n80. The Chinese term for warm sea is
rehai
.

6.
Xuanzang met Yabghu Kaghan Si, who succeeded his father, Tong, who was assassinated in 628 or the beginning of 629, as the leader of the Western Turks. Étienne de la Vaissière, “Oncles et frères: Les qaghans Ashinas et le vocabulaire turc de la parenté,”
Turcica
42 (2010): 267–78.

7.
There were many ways to write the name of the Sogdians in Chinese. See the learned note by Ji Xianlin and his collaborators in Xuanzang’s
Da Tang Xiyu ji jiaozhu
, 73–74.

8.
Xuanzang,
Da Tang Xiyu ji
, 72; Beal,
Life of Hiuen-tsiang
, 27.

9.
Liu,
Jiu Tang shu
, 198b:5310; Ouyang Xiu,
Xin Tang shu
[New Tang history] (Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1975), 221b:6243–44.

10.
Klimkeit,
Gnosis on the Silk Road
; Nicholas Sims-Williams, “Sogdian and Turkish Christians in the Turfan and Tun-huang Manuscripts,” in Cadonna,
Turfan and Tunhuang
, 43–61.