The Sparrowhawk Companion (10 page)

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Wilbourne, Andrew
Viscount—Book 2
Wilkes, John
MP for Aylesbury—Books 4, 6
Wolfe, James
Lt. Colonel—Book 2
Worley, Benjamin
Proprietor, Worley & Sons—Books 2-6
Worley, Joseph
Son of Benjamin—Book 2
Worley, Lemuel
Son of Benjamin—Book 2
Worley, Mrs.
Wife of Benjamin—Book 2
Wynne, Rev.
Vicar of St. Quarrell’s, Danvers—Book 2
Wythe, George
Burgess, Elizabeth City—Books 4-6
Zimmerman, Isaac
Tenant, Morland Hall—Books 3-6
Zouch, Henry
Brickmaster, Meum Hall—Books 3-6
MEUM HALL STAFF:
Business Agent:
Rupert Beecroft
Overlooker:
William Settle
Overseer:
John Ockhyser
Housekeeper:
Ann Vere
Cook:
Fiona Chance
Servant/Valet:
Radulphus Spears
Carpenter:
Joseph Shearl
Brickmaster
Henry Zouch
Slaves:
Bristol, Champion Smith, Cypriot,
Cupid, Benabe, Jem, Bilico, Primus, Pompey
Female: Sarah, Dilch, Diana, Rachel, Delia, Malkin
MORLAND STAFF:
Business Agent:
Obedience Robins
Overlooker:
William Hurry
Housekeeper:
Susannah Giddens
Cook:
Mary Beck
Servant:
Ruth Dakin
Carpenter:
Moses Topham
Coopers:
Mouse, Henry Dakin
Brickmaker:
Aymer Crompton
Tenants:
George Passmore, Isaac Zimmerman,
James & Dorothy Moffet, Caleb Threap,
Timothy Bigelow, John Proudlocks
SHIP NAME
TYPE
Amelia
Merchantman, sloop
Amherst
Merchant sloop, formerly the
Nancy
Antares
Merchantman
Ariadne
Merchantman, schooner, the Kenricks’ own vessel
Atlantic Conveyor
Merchantman
Basilisk
Customs sloop-of-war, 8 guns, 8 swivels, Turley’s ship (formerly the
Nassau
)
Belfast
Merchant sloop
Busy
Merchantman, Worley & Sons, American trade
Charon
Merchantman
Cronus
East Indiaman
Diligence
Sloop-of-war, Chesapeake Bay, 12 guns, 12 swivels, 100 crew
Dolphin
Merchantman
Dorothea
Slave ship
Durand
French privateer
Excelsior
Merchant schooner
Friendly
Merchantman
Fowey
Frigate, 6th rate, 24 guns, 160 crew, sunk by shore batteries at Yorktown, 10/10/81
Galvin
Merchantman
George’s Pleasure
Merchantman, sloop
Greyhound
Drury Trantham’s ship (in
Hyperborea
)
Hare
Frigate (nicknamed the
Tortoise
)
Hasty Hart
Merchantman, Skelly’s smuggling vessel
Helios
Warship, frigate, convoy
Jason
Warship, frigate, convoy
La Fleu
French privateer “The Scourge”
La Voleur
French privateer “The Thief”
Magdalen
Schooner (Royal Navy)
Manx
Slave ship, Royal African Company
Mercury
Frigate, 20 guns
Morag
Merchant schooner (Scottish)
Nassau
Seized by Hunt, renamed
Basilisk
(Turley’s raider )
Nimble
Merchantman, Worley & Sons, European trade
Osprey
Merchantman
Otter
Warship
Pegasus
Merchantman, Skelly’s—pre-outlaw years
Pericles
Merchantman
Peregrine
Merchantman
Prudence
Merchant brig owned by Novus Easley
Rainbow
Warship, 5th-rate frigate, Chesapeake Bay, 44 guns, 280 crew
Regale
East Indiaman
Regulas
Merchantman
Roilance
Merchantman
Rose
Warship, frigate
Rover
Warship, frigate
Skate
Merchant sloop
Sparrowhawk
Merchantman, Ramshaw’s (later Geary’s, then Hunt’s)
Swiftsure
Merchantman, sloop
Tacitus
Merchantman, brig
Thunderer
Warship, line
William/Dunmore
Merchantman, seized by Dunmore for quarters
Zeus
Warship, frigate, convoy
THE POLITICAL
SPEECHES OF
SPARROWHAWK

Compiled by Edward Cline

A key element in the character of the
Sparrowhawk
series—perhaps even of its appeal to readers—is its political speeches. The principal ones are included here, spoken in Parliament and the Virginia House of Burgesses by Henoch Pannell, Colonel Isaac Barré, Dogmael Jones, Hugh Kenrick, Patrick Henry, and William Pitt. Two of these speeches are actual speeches, one by Barré, the other by Pitt. The others, including Patrick Henry’s Stamp Act Resolves speech, I wrote myself. Henry’s was composed around the fragments of that unrecorded speech remembered by men years later. Barré is important because he was one of the few British parliamentarians who understood the American colonists; he warned his fellow legislators not to take the colonists or their loyalty to the mother country for granted; his warning fell on deaf ears. Pitt is important because, while he sided with the Americans, he inadvertently handed Parliament and its career depredators an excuse to continue to pursue policies intended to reduce Americans to servitude.

The best eighteenth–century political speakers, in the colonies and in Britain, were trained in oratory and rhetoric. They could deliver hours-long speeches without so much as a note, and make sense. Even the villains of the time were adept in oratory, and it took a keen mind to see through their sophistry. While I composed sermons, doggerels, the occasional newspaper article, and even sketched two political cartoons
for the series, I derived special pleasure in writing the speeches. Early on I realized that if one were going to recreate the British-American culture and politics of the period, political speeches must form an integral part of the epic. If men were moved passionately by the ideas of freedom—or dead set against them—how better to dramatize the passion and the opposition than by showing what was thought and said?

To read these extemporaneous speeches, one cannot help but note an essential difference between them and what passes for oratory today. Most modern politicians cannot speak two complete sentences together from memory without the aid of a written text, extensive notes, or a teleprompter. Most of them do not—in fact, cannot—write their own speeches, but rely on hired speechwriters, whose efforts doubtless are endlessly rewritten to conform to what a speaker wishes his auditors to believe he is saying or what he thinks they wish to hear. Further, their speeches are largely ragouts of “messages”; that is, of unappetizing stews of refried bromides, lubricious principles, and populist claptrap, all calculated to appeal to men’s emotions, not to their minds. Modern speechmaking is a monument to vapidity. I cannot recall the last time I heard a living American politician declaim on individual rights, freedom of speech, or the sanctity of private property.

So, it was with great relief and pleasure that I could retreat to a time when these matters were a common subject of speechmaking.

* * *

Sir Henoch Pannell, member for Canovan, and dedicated enemy of the
American colonies, gives his maiden speech in Parliament, 1755.

“It has been heard in this assembly on a number of occasions that the colonials are unhappy with the means with which this coming war is to be paid for and prosecuted. Oh, how they grumble, those rustical Harries! The means, as we all know, and as they rightly fear, must in the end come out of their own rough, bucolic purses. To my mind, that is but a logical expectation. Yet, you would think, to judge by some of the protestations
that have reached our ears, that the Crown was proposing to engage the French over Madagascar for possession of that pirates’ nest, and obliging them to pay the costs of an adventure far removed from their concerns. But—the threat is to their own lives, their own homes and families, their fields, their shops, their seaports, their own livelihoods, and they higgle and haggle over the burden of expense! A very
strange
state of mind, indeed! I am merely a messenger, sirs. Do not entertain thoughts of murdering me for what I have said, or am about to say.

“And, no doubt, many of these same said colonials will pay with their own skins, too. However, if the reports of officers in His Majesty’s service in the colonies in the past are to be warranted—and I don’t for a minute doubt the substance of their complaints or the truth of their anecdotes—not many colonial skins will be cut by French bayonet or bruised by Indian war club. The colonials, it is commonly said, are uniformly lazy, undisciplined, contentious, quarrelsome, niggardly, presumptuous, and cowardly, amongst themselves as well as amongst our brave officers and troops! It is thought by many in high and middling places that if the colonial auxiliaries under General Braddock’s command had been more forthright and daring with their musketry in that fatal wood near the Ohio, that brave and enterprising officer would be sitting in this very chamber today to receive our thanks, and not buried in some ignominious patch of mud in the wilderness. But—the colonial temperament is a matter of record.
Our
colonials! Scullions all, the sons of convicts, whores, and malcontents! From the greedy gentry of the northern parts, to the posturing macaronis of the southern, every man Jack of them unmindful of the fact that he is a
colonial
, a mere plant nurtured in exotic soil for the benefit of this nation! Oh! How
ungrateful
, our Britannic flora!

“Yes!
Ungrateful
, their noggins emboldened by a few leagues of water! Now, it is thought here in this hall, and in London, and in all of England, and even in Wales and Scotland, that His Majesty’s government—we here, within these ancient walls,
and
they
across the way, in
Lords
are the corporate lawgiver
and
defender of our excellent constitution. Why, the most ignoble knife-grinder and blasphemous fishwife would be able to tell you that! Yet, proposals for new laws, or for the repeal of old ones, or for changes in existing statutes from colonial legislatures—those self-important congresses of coggers, costermongers, and cork farmers—arrive by the bulging barrelful on nearly every merchant vessel that drops anchor at Custom House. These proposals are dutifully conveyed by liveried but sweaty porters to the Privy Council and the Board of Trade, to the Admiralty and the Surveyor-General and the Commissioner of Customs.

“I am not friend to many members of those august bodies, but they truly have my sympathies, for they have the thankless task of sorting through those mountains of malign missives to segregate the specious from the serious. Many of these pleadings and addresses are shot through with a constant harping on the rights of the colonials as Englishmen, and so on with that kind of blather, like a one-tune hurdy-gurdy, a tiresome thing to endure, as many of you can attest. Virginia and Massachusetts are particularly monotonous and noisome in this respect. The planters would like to sell their weed directly to Spain or Holland, without the benefit of our lawful brokerage, while the Boston felt factors wish to fashion their own hats for sale there—or
here
!—without the material ever crossing the sea to be knocked together by our own artists. Well, sirs! We must needs remind our distant brethren that we are busy bees, too, and that the rights of Englishmen are only as good as the laws we enact allow—
here
, as well as
there
!

“Gentlemen, must I ask these questions? Does the beadle instruct the university? Does the postilion choose his employer’s destination? Does the bailiff counsel the magistrate?
No!
Should the colonials be permitted to advise
us
of
our
business? No! This is a custom unwisely indulged and which must be corrected! They must be reminded as civilly but as strenuously
as possible that they are residents of that far land at this nation’s leisure, pleasure, expense, and tolerance! This nation’s,
and
His Majesty’s! They wish us to respect their rights. Well, and why not? We would not deny them those rights. But, if they wish a greater role in the public affairs of this empire, let them repatriate themselves to this fair island, and queue up at the polling places—
here!—
where they may exercise those
native
rights on the soil from which they and those rights have sprung!

“Yes! For that is the nub of the matter!
Here
they will find no special circumstances, no calculated abridgement of their rights!
There
in New York, and in Boston, in Philadelphia, and Williamsburg, and Charleston, they find themselves in special circumstances that necessitate abridgement, and like it not! But—they elect to be
there
, and not
here
! And if they cannot purchase this simple reasoning, if they persist in pelting us with petitions, memorials, and remonstrances,
I
say it must be the time to forget civility, and chastise the colonials as good parents would wisely chastise wayward and misbehaved children!”

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