A History of Japan: From Stone Age to Superpower (82 page)

Kan had a difficult road ahead of him. He was a firm supporter of stronger ties with South Korea, which pleased many, and showed his disfavour towards North Korea. However, he annoyed China by detaining Chinese fishermen following a collision with a Japanese coastguard vessel in the disputed area around the Senkaku Islands. He also faced a quarrel with Russia over ownership of the Kurile Islands north of Hokkaid
, and used strong words in response to Russian President Dmitry Medvedev’s visit to the islands in early February 2011 and Medvedev’s request to his military chiefs to strengthen defences there. He was also implicated in a scandal, albeit minor, for accepting political funds from a foreigner, which is prohibited in Japanese law.
³⁰
The person is Korean and has a Japanese name, so
prima facie
there would appear to be good grounds for accepting Kan’s response that he did not know the donor was foreign. Moreover, the donation was equivalent to a mere US$600 or so, and it is very improbable that a senior politician would knowingly risk their career over such a small sum. Perhaps more importantly, the fact that he came under attack in this matter indicates the opposition’s determination to unseat him.

With somewhat ironic timing, just as he was defending himself, Kan’s biggest challenge suddenly presented itself in the catastrophic form of the earthquake and tsunami of 11 March 2011, compounded by leakage of radioactive material from damaged nuclear reactors. He was inevitably judged on the efficacy of his response. Unfortunately he had got off to a bad start by downplaying the threat of nuclear meltdown, earning international criticism.
³¹
This catastrophe had already been recognised as Japan’s greatest disaster since the Pacific War. It would take an extraordinary effort to oversee search and recovery, re-establishment of infrastructure such as power and water and sewerage, rehousing of refugees, rebuilding, and of course handling the nuclear fallout threat. Unfortunately for Kan, he suffered a loss of support. He resigned on 26 August 2011 and was succeeded as prime minister on 2 September by Noda Yoshihiko, another senior DPJ member.

In fact, the Japanese public would no doubt be greatly helped psychologically in recovering from this setback if they could have more faith in their politicians – their supposed leaders. Not only are many politicians tainted by scandal or accusations thereof, the rapid turnover of prime ministers during the Heisei years – with the exception of Koizumi’s five years in office – gives an almost ephemeral air to the office, and most certainly is not suggestive of stability or reliability or genuine leadership. The Japanese public deserve better. Emperor Akihito has already taken the well-received and unprecedented step of personally (as opposed to ceremoniously) addressing his people via television following the T
hoku Earthquake, and – at the risk of presumption in making a suggestion to an emperor – perhaps he could make another step, in the direction of the Diet, and on behalf of his people, express his concern over the merry-go-round of weak leaders and scandals that seem to go on there. He might also require the government to demonstrate proper stable and reliable leadership. The question is, are the current crop of politicians capable of it?

7.3   Life in Global Age Japan

As we have seen, the economic and political situation during the first decade of Heisei, the 1990s, necessarily impacted upon the general population. There was dismay over the recession, especially as it dragged on. The public still felt short-changed with regard to the wealth that they had produced through their labours over previous years not being converted into a better infrastructure and better lifestyle for them. Specific irritants included irresponsible ‘bad loans’ by financial institutions and the discovery of unfair treatment in making small-time investors suffer more losses than they should have so as to minimise losses by more important clients. Matters were made worse by the ongoing problem of scandals from which those in political authority – not just politicians, but also many bureaucrats – seemed to profit nicely, often without serious punishment even when they were found out. And as noted, lifetime employment weakened, frustration increased, and loyalty and the work ethic declined. Moreover, apart from a brief hiccup in 1993, the LDP seemed immovable, and political apathy set in.

Underlying the dissatisfaction and frustration, there was widespread anxiety among the public, especially from 1995 on. Understandably, the K
be Earthquake of 17 January that year, which resulted in massive
devastation and more than 5,000 fatalities, was one source, not only in K
be itself but in the surrounding Kansai region including the major conurbation of
saka. Japanese people have long been familiar with earthquakes, being situated on the Circum-Pacific Orogenic Zone (the ‘Ring of Fire’), and outwardly they can seem to be somewhat nonchalant, but this was definitely not something they could take lightly. It was a devastating event that caused serious trauma. When a major earthquake strikes it is not just a question of immediate damage and loss of life. One of the worst anxieties is the fear of after-shocks, which can continue not just for months but years, and can in some cases (as in New Zealand recently) cause even more damage than the original earthquake even though the magnitude is less.
³²
In short, for many people, it is a long time before they can relax – if ever, in some cases.

Just two months after the earthquake, on 20 March 1995, there occurred another tragic event, this time man-made and deliberate. This was the sarin gas attack on the T
ky
subway system by the religious cult AUM Shinriky
(AUM Religion of Truth), under their delusional leader Asahara Sh
k
, resulting in 13 deaths and causing more than a thousand people to suffer after-effects. The cult’s teachings comprised a hotch-potch of bits and pieces from sundry religions, and the world-view of its leader Asahara seems to have been shaped by cartoons and comic books as much as by religious texts.
³³
The exact reason for the attack has never been clarified, but according to prosecutors Asahara believed the gas attacks would somehow enable him to become emperor of Japan. To the surprise of many Japanese, cult members included highly educated young professional people who had graduated from elite universities. Even more surprisingly, the cult was not disbanded, though it has been declared a terrorist group by many nations. Asahara and a dozen of his associates have been sentenced to death, but in Japan it can take many years before actual execution.