A History of Japan: From Stone Age to Superpower (92 page)

32
Okazaki 93, p275. Lo-lang was established in 108 BC.

33
A summary translation of the relevant parts of the
Wei Chih
is given in Tsunoda et al., 64, v.1, pp4–7.

34
From the
Wei Chih
. See Tsunoda 64, v.1, p6.

35
The
Hou Han Shu
(History of the Later Han), compiled ca 445, refers to a tributary mission from the King of Na (Nu), a kingdom in northwest Ky
sh
, at this time. See Okazaki 93, p280, Barnes 83a, p160, and particularly the translation of the relevant part of the
Hou Han Shou
in Tsunoda 64, v.1, p7. An inscribed seal given to the envoys of AD 57 by the Chinese emperor was discovered in 1784 in Fukuoka Prefecture, and is generally accepted as genuine.

36
For discussion of the controversy see, for example, Kidder 93, pp97–9, Okazaki 93, pp283–4, and Ledyard 83a. For an overview, see Edwards 96. (Edwards himself favours Nara.) The discovery in the late 1980s of a major Yayoi power base at Yoshinogari in Saga Prefecture in northwest Ky
sh
added some weight to the Ky
sh
theory (see translator’s note to Okazaki 93, pp284–6, and see Sahara 92 for a detailed description of the site). However, this was not enough to overturn the general preference for the Nara location, which has in fact been strengthened by more recent discoveries of major tombs in Hashihaka (said to be Himiko’s) and Hokenoyama, both in Nara. See the
Mainichi Daily News
, 29 March 2000. See also the
Japan Times
of 12 November 2009 for details of the discovery of a palace at Makimuku in Nara, further strengthening the Nara claim.

37
Higuchi 86, p122.

38
Aikens and Higuchi 82, p334.

39
Philippi 68, p208, and Kidder 93, p105.

40
The theory was first proposed in the late 1940s by the historian Egami Namio, and now has a number of variants. It is summarised in Ledyard 83b. Ledyard 75 advances one variant of the theory. Critics include Edwards 83, and Aikens and Higuchi 82, p336, but Kidder (77, p57) appears to give considerable support to it. In recent years Wontack Hong has advanced another variant, in which an invasion was launched by a king of Paekche (one of the kingdoms of Korea), leading to the unification of Yamato Japan by the year 390. See Hong 94 and Hong 10, in both which he also reviews other theories.

The ‘horse-rider’ theory is not widely supported, but it has not been totally disproved either. On the one hand there is still no convincing alternative explanation for the abundance of fourth- and fifth-century horse-related items found in Japan, items of foreign manufacture. On the other hand, it is surprising the
Kojiki
and
Nihon Shoki
do not make more mention of horses.

41
Aikens and Higuchi 82, p335.

42
See, for example, Mushak
ji 76, who refers to the approach as ‘
awase
’ (amalgamation or adaptation). See also van Wolferen 89, who argues that the whole Japanese ‘system’ is based on a meshing of mutually accommodated interests. Kitahara 89 (a psychologist) describes the preferred Japanese attitude towards potential threat – throughout history – as one of ‘identification with the aggressor’, attempting to incorporate rather than confront any strong point of that threat. On the other hand, Japanese history also shows that when a foe was considered weak, little if any attempt was made to avoid confrontation.

43
The chiefs of major kin-groups, which were known as
uji
, were given ranks (
kabane
) and assigned ‘portfolios’, such as taxation, military matters, and the like. The
uji
themselves were ranked. Elite
uji
leaders formed a ministerial class known as
omi
, while
muraji
were a lower, more executive class. Actual provision of goods and services was by occupational groups of varying status known as
tomo
or
be
, many of whom were Korean immigrants. Below the
be
at the bottom of the hierarchy were the
nuhi
, or slaves.

44
Piggott 89.

45
The following is based on the translation in Keene 68, p31.

46
Although the scholars were Korean they wrote in Chinese (Korean Hangul is a later script.) Written Chinese was subsequently adapted over several centuries to form the basis of written Japanese. Physical evidence of Chinese writing can be found in Japan inscribed on imported items as early as the first century AD, and from very early on there were various individuals in Japan who could read and write Chinese. However, it is Paekche scholars of the fifth century who are credited with its systematic introduction.

47
Though Buddhism originated in India, not China, and was moreover brought into Japan through Korea rather than from China directly, to all intents and purposes it was seen at that time in Japan as something Chinese rather than Indian or Korean. See Reischauer 64, p18.

48
Okazaki 93, pp297–312, discusses the Korean kingdoms in detail. Barnes (93b, p47) asserts that Kaya was never a Japanese colony.

49
Wayne Farris observes that – certainly relative to Chinese vessels – Japanese craft were crude and not very seaworthy until as late as the 14th century. See Farris 09, p148.

50
Politically, Confucius (Kung Fu-tzu, ca 551–479 BC) advocated a paternalistic government in which the sovereign is benevolent and honourable and the subjects are respectful and obedient. His stress on harmony, hierarchy, and proper order made his ideology an appealing one for rulers wanting to maximise stability.

51
The text is given in Tsunoda 64, pp48–9.

52
Kiley 83 discusses the
ritsury
system in detail. See also Oda 92, pp14–16, and Haley 91, pp29–30.