Antony and Cleopatra (58 page)

²
Appian,
BC
5. 96–122; for summaries and more detailed references see C. Pelling in
CAH
²
X, pp.34–35, J. Osgood,
Caesar's Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire
(2006), pp.98–303, and R. Syme,
The Roman Revolution
(1960), pp.30– 31.

³
Appian,
BC
5. 122–126, 131, Dio 49. 11. 2–12. 5, 15. 3, Velleius Paterculus 2. 80. 1– 4, with Syme (1960), pp.232 – 233.

⁴
Appian,
BC
5. 131; on the use of slaves in Octavian's fleet see Suetonius,
Augustus
16. 1, Dio 47. 17. 4, 48. 49. 1, 49. 1. 5, the last passage implying that they were given freedom on discharge.

⁵
Dio 49. 32. 1–2, Velleius Paterculus2. 82. 3.

⁶
Plutarch,
Antony
53–54, Appian,
BC
5. 95, 138, Dio 49. 33. 3–4, with Grant (1972), pp.150–153, Osgood (2006), p. 336, and Syme (1960), p. 265.

⁷
Plutarch,
Antony
52, 54, Dio 49. 33. 1–2.

⁸
Dio 49. 17. 1–18. 7, 50. 1. 4, Appian,
BC
5. 127, 133–144, Velleius Paterculus 2. 79.

5.

⁹
Plutarch,
Antony
53. The passage tends to be summarily dismissed by modern biographers of Cleopatra, for example, Grant (1972), p. 152, J. Tyldesley,
Cleopatra: Last Queen of Egypt
(2009), pp.165–166, and J. Fletcher,
Cleopatra the Great: The Woman Behind the Legend
(2008), pp.272 – 273. However, just because there were strong political reasons for Antony to rebuff Octavia does not necessarily mean that there was not also genuine — perhaps even extreme — emotion involved as well.

¹⁰
Plutarch,
Antony
54.

¹¹
Appian,
Illyrian Wars
16–28, Dio 49. 34. 1–38. 4, and the useful summary by E. Gruen in
CAH
²
X, pp.171–174; for the punishments see Dio 49. 38. 4, Suetonius,
Augustus
24. 2.

¹²
Suetonius,
Augustus
28. 3, Pliny,
NH
36. 121, and for discussion see N. Purcell in
CAH
²
X, pp.782 –789.

¹³
Plutarch,
Antony
36, 52–53, Dio 49. 33. 1–3, 39. 1–40. 2, Syme (1960), p. 262, citing
PIR
¹
, P 835.

¹⁴
Plutarch,
Antony
54, Dio 49. 40. 3–4, Velleius Paterculus 2. 82. 3–4, with comments in Grant (1972), pp.161–162, and Pelling in
CAH
²
X, p. 40.

¹⁵
Dio 49. 40. 4.

¹⁶
Plutarch,
Antony
54, Dio 49. 41. 1–6, with Pelling in
CAH
²
X, pp.40–41, Osgood (2006), pp.338–339, Grant (1972), pp.162–175, J. Bingen,
Hellenistic Egypt: Monarchy, Society, Economy, Culture
(2007), pp.78– 79, G. Hölbl,
A History of the Ptolemaic Empire
(trans. T. Saavedra) (2001), pp.244–245, Tyldesley (2009), pp.168–169, Fletcher (2008), pp.274– 276, and M. Chauveau,
Egypt in the Age of Cleopatra
(trans. D. Lorton) (2000), p.27.

XXVI IS S
HE
M
Y
W
IFE?

¹
Dio 49. 39. 1.

²
Dio 47. 15. 2–3, 48. 43. 2, 49. 43. 6–7; runaway slaves as magistrates, 48. 34. 5.

³
Dio 50. 5. 1; on coins of Antyllus, see M. Crawford,
Roman Republican Coinage
(1974), p. 543.

⁴
Plutarch,
Antony
8, and cf.; for the story told of Antony's father see Plutarch,
Antony
1.

⁵
Plutarch,
Antony
4.

⁶
Pliny,
NH
9. 119–121; for another alleged wager see Plutarch,
Antony
58, although in 59 he was sceptical of the truth of some of the stories he lists, and see also Pliny,
NH
21.122.

⁷
Horace,
Satires 2.
3.239–42, Valerius Maximus 9. 1.2, Pliny,
NH
9. 122; Suetonius,
Caligula
37. 1, and cf. his wife who wore emeralds and pearls to the value of 10 million denarii and carried the receipts around to prove it, Pliny,
NH
9. 117; for Servilia see Suetonius,
Caesar
50. 2, and for Britain, Suetonius,
Caesar
47.

⁸
The fullest discussion is to be found in B. Ullman, ‘Cleopatra's Pearls,
The Classical Journal
52. 5 (Feb. 1957), pp.193–201.

⁹
Velleius Paterculus 2. 83. 1–2, with J. Osgood,
Caesar's Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire
(2006), pp.276– 280; on dancing, see Cicero,
Pro Murena
13.

¹⁰
Horace,
Odes
1. 37. 14, Propertius 3.
II,
Plutarch,
Roman Questions
112,
Moralia
291 A, with M. Grant,
Cleopatra
(1972), pp.178–179.

¹¹
Seneca,
Moralia
87. 16, with Grant (1972), p. 179; for the ‘Parasite'see ch. 20, fn. 19.

¹²
P. van Minnen, ‘An Official Act of Cleopatra with a Subscription in her Own Hand',
Ancient Society
30 (2000), pp.29–34, with P. van Minnen, ‘A Royal Ordinance of Cleopatra and Related Documents', in S. Walker & S. Ashton (eds.),
Cleopatra Reassessed
(2003), pp.35–44, esp. 40–41.

¹³
For discussion of the mood of the times see Osgood (2006), pp.298–349.

¹⁴
Dio 49. 15. 5–6, 38. 1.

¹⁵
For discussions of the propaganda war, see K. Scott, ‘The Political Propaganda of 44–30
BC
',
Memoirs of the American Academy in Rome
11 (1933), pp.7–49, esp. 33–49, Osgood (2006), pp.335–349, C. Pelling in
CAH
²
X, pp.40–48, and R. Syme,
The Roman Revolution
(1960), pp.276– 278; Suetonius,
Caesar
52.2 on the pamphlet written by Caius Oppius denying that Caesarion was Caesar's son.

¹⁶
Pliny,
NH
14. 148; Caesar and the public oath, Dio 43. 20. 4.

¹⁷
Suetonius,
Augustus
69. 2; praise for Octavia's beauty led J. Fletcher,
Cleopatra the Great: The Woman Behind the Legend
(2008), p. 256, to suggest that this was in direct contrast to Cleopatra's carefully presented looks and hairstyles.

¹⁸
Suetonius,
Augustus
69. 1.

¹⁹
Plutarch,
Comparison between Antony and Demetrius
4, with Grant (1972), p. 188, and Pelling in
CAH
²
X, p. 43; on Hercules and Omphale see P. Zanker,
The Power of Images in the Age of Augustus
(trans. A. Shapiro) (1988), pp.57–65, and esp. 58–60.

²⁰
Plutarch,
Antony
55–56, Dio 49. 44. 3, 50. 1. 1–2. 2.

²¹
Dio 50. 2. 4, with Pelling in
CAH
²
X, pp.67–68.

²²
Dio 49. 41. 4, 50. 2. 2–4.

²³
Dio 50. 2. 5–7; on magic potions see Dio 49. 34. 1, and Josephus,
AJ
15. 93.

²⁴
Velleius Paterculus 2. 83. 3.

²⁵
Plutarch,
Antony
58, Suetonius,
Augustus
17. 1, Dio 50. 3. 1–4. 1, with J. Johnson, ‘The Authenticity and Validity of Antony's Will',
L'Antiquité Classique
47 (1978), pp.494–503. The latter suggests that Antony may have employed a form of the military will, which in later periods permitted soldiers to name non-citizens as heirs. Caesar introduced an early form of this, but its details are unknown, making this no more than a possibility.

²⁶
Suetonius,
Caesar
79. 3, Dio 50. 5. 4.

²⁷
Plutarch,
Antony
58–59, Horace,
Epodes
9.
I1–
16, on the shame of Romans serving a foreign queen and her eunuchs, and Propertius 3. 11 on the threat Cleopatra posed.

²⁸
Velleius Paterculus 2. 86. 3 for Asinius Pollio; on the oath see
The Res Gestae of the Divine Augustus
25. 2–3, Suetonius,
Augustus
17.2, with discussion in Osgood (2006), pp.357–368; Syme (1960), p.278, fn. 3, claims that more than 300 senators went to Antony, and his authority is one of the main reasons this figure is so often repeated as fact rather than inference.

²⁹
Suetonius,
Augustus
63. 2.

XXVII W
AR

¹
Plutarch,
Antony
56–57, M. Grant,
Cleopatra
(1972), pp.193–197.

²
In general, Plutarch,
Antony
56, with J. Osgood,
Caesar's Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire
(2006), pp.370–371; Valerius Maximus 1. 1. 19, Dio 51. 8. 3 for Turullius.

³
Plutarch,
Caesar,
48,
Antony
56, 61–6, with C. Pelling (ed.),
Plutarch: Life of Antony
(1988), pp.266–267 and 270–271.

⁴
Plutarch,
Antony
58, who says that most of the stories were not believed.

⁵
Seneca,
Suasoriae
1. 6, cf. Plutarch,
Antony
57, with Pelling (1988), pp.258–259.

⁶
Plutarch,
Comparison between Demetrius and Antony
1 and 4 seem to imply a marriage, not suggested at
Antony
31, 53; for discussion of the question see Pelling (1988), pp.219– 220, R. Syme,
The Roman Revolution
(1960), pp.261, 274, 277 and 280, and G. Hölbl,
A History of the Ptolemaic Empire
(trans. T. Saavedra) (2001), p. 244. Livy,
Pers.
131 claims that after the Donations of Alexandria in 34
BC
Antony began to treat Cleopatra like a wife, but does not actually say a formal marriage occurred. Late sources claiming a marriage include Eutropius 7. 6. 2, Orosius 6. 19. 4, and Athenaeus,
Deipnosophists
4. 147; Virgil,
Aeneid
8. 688 —
sequiturque nefas Aegyptia coniunx;
for a range of views see J. Tyldesley,
Cleopatra: Last Queen of Egypt
(2009), pp.169–170, J. Fletcher,
Cleopatra the Great: The Woman Behind the Legend
(2008), pp.264–265, who argues for a marriage as early as 37
BC,
and Grant (1972), p. 186.

⁷
Josephus,
AJ
15. 108–120, Plutarch,
Antony
61, with Pelling (1988), pp.267–268, and Grant (1972), pp.196 and 27, n. 51.

⁸
Velleius Paterculus 2. 84. 2.

⁹
Plutarch,
Antony
56, 59, with Pelling (1988), p.263.

¹⁰
Plutarch,
Antony
56, with Pelling (1988), pp.255–256, and
CAH
²
X, pp.50–51, Grant (1972), pp.195–196, Tyldesley (2009), pp.173–174, and on resentment of Rome in the east see Osgood (2006), pp.340–344.

¹¹
Plutarch,
Antony
56–57, 59.

¹²
Dio 50. 4. 1–6. 1, Livy 1. 32 for a detailed account of the ceremony written after Octavian had revived it; see also J. Rich,
Declaring War in the Roman Republic in the Period of Transmarine Expansion
(1976), pp.56–58 and 104–107.

XXVIII A
CTIUM

¹
Plutarch,
Antony
58, Dio 50. 9. 1–22 argues that Antony planned a quick offensive, but lost heart when he mistook some enemy patrol ships for the whole fleet; Livy,
Pers.
132 claims Antony planned and prepared an invasion of Italy, but does not say why it did not occur, merely stating that Octavian crossed to Epirus; on the impact of taxation and the mood of Italy see J. Osgood,
Caesar's Legacy: Civil War and the Emergence of the Roman Empire
(2006), pp.368–370.

²
On the forces see Plutarch,
Antony
61, with C. Pelling (ed.),
Plutarch: Life of Antony
(1988), pp.266–269, Dio 50. 6. 2–6 gives no numbers, for discussion see P. Brunt,
Italian Manpower 225
BC—AD
14
(1971), pp.500–507, and J. Carter,
The Battle of Actium: The Rise and Triumph of Augustus Caesar
(1970), pp.188–189 and 202–203.

³
On the crew of a quinquereme see Polybius 1.26. 7, and see also J. Morrison & J. Coates,
Greek and Roman Oared Warships
(1996), pp.259–260, 270–272 and 312–317, with the review by W. Murray, ‘The Development and Design of Greek and Roman Warships (399–30
BC)',
JRA
12 (1999), pp.520–525, esp. 523–524, where it is argued that ramming was an important, perhaps the main, tactic of the largest galleys; see also M. Pitassi,
The Navies of Rome
(2009), esp. pp.191–197.

⁴
Dio 50. 9. 3, Plutarch,
Antony
56.

⁵
Pelling (1988), pp.259–260, and
CAH
²
X, pp.52 and 55, M. Grant,
Cleopatra
(1972), pp.197–198, and R. Syme,
The Roman Revolution
(1960), pp.294– 295.

⁶
Dio 50. 9. 3 noted that both strategy and supply encouraged Antony to disperse his forces; on the preparations at Actium see Dio 50. 12. 7–8.

⁷
Dio 50. 9. 5 –6; Plutarch,
Antony
62 has a variation of this story, claiming that Octavian offered to withdraw from the coast of Italy and let Antony land unmolested.