Ayn Rand: The Russian Radical (97 page)
For one detailed study of how material in the Ayn Rand Archives has been edited—indeed, rewritten—for publication, see Campbell 2011.
I have never petitioned the Archives for formal study of anything other than the Rand university transcript, when it was publicized in the May 1997 issue of
Impact
that the Archives had secured “a copy of Ayn Rand’s university diploma and transcript from St. Petersburg” (Ayn Rand Institute 1997, 2). Representatives of the Ayn Rand Institute would have sent me a copy of the transcript only on the condition of my agreeing never to write on the subject, even after my research results were to be shared with them for the purposes of any planned authorized Rand biography. As I explained in an “Investigative Report” (Sciabarra 1999b), I refused to sign such an agreement, and secured my first copy of a version of the transcript independently of the Ayn Rand Institute through a global network of scholars. But as I state in that article, the delay in securing this transcript had high costs. I lost the capacity to tap into the knowledge of many of Rand’s contemporaries who had either passed away or were incapacitated by age-related illnesses.
I should point out, however, that in 1992, in preparation for
Russian Radical
, I had formally approached the Estate of Ayn Rand for information on the Lossky case, given some of the discrepancies I was uncovering in my research. I received a letter from the legal heir to the estate, Leonard Peikoff (27 May 1992), which stated that the estate was compiling information on Rand’s life. He assured me that if anything relevant to the issues became apparent, he would so advise me.
8
. Rand, “A statement of policy,
part I
,” in
Objectivist,
471.
9
. Milgram (2012, 107 n. 21) relates the story of Lossky’s rocky relationship with Vvedensky, who served as Lossky’s master’s thesis advisor.
10
. The first documentation of Rand’s attendance at the Stoiunin gymnasium can be found in
Russian Radical
(65–67), and again, with additional evidence, in “The Rand
Transcript” (<367–69>) and “The Rand Transcript, Revisited” (388,
465 n. 9
, in this edition), the latter benefitting from research pursued by Anne C. Heller. See especially Heller 2009, 17–21 and 424. No mention by Milgram is made of the material in my work or in Heller’s biography, which definitively places Rand in attendance at that gymnasium.
11
. The only other issue that Milgram raises in connection with my work is a brief comment on the potential connection between Professor
Lossky
and a character that appeared in early drafts of
We the Living
and was removed prior to the novel’s publication: Professor Leskov (see “The Rand Transcript, Revisited,” 389–90, in this edition). Milgram (2012) tells us that she “had considered [the] possibility” of a Lossky-Leskov connection but ultimately rejected it (110 n. 32). She dismisses any possible physical or even ideological resemblance since “any fictional character Ayn Rand would have created for this context would have been serious and opposed to Soviet teachings; no particular professor would have been needed to serve as model.” Furthermore, she rejects any close parallel between their names or physical descriptions and ultimately considered it “unlikely that Lossk[y] is a model for Leskov.” Since my own consideration of this connection is ultimately posed with a question, and not a conclusion—“[C]ould Rand have used Lossky as a model for Leskov?”—I have nothing else to add to this particular issue.
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