Stalin's Daughter (11 page)

Chapter 4
The Terror

Stalin’s December 21 birthday celebration at Blizhniaia dacha in 1934.
Top row, from left:
Anna Redens, Dora Khazan (wife of Politburo member Andrey Andreyev), Ekaterina Voroshilova (wife of Soviet military officer Kliment Voroshilov).
Middle row, from left:
Maria Svandize, Maria Kaganovich (wife of Lazar Kaganovich, the “Wolf of the Kremlin”), Sashiko Svanidze, Stalin, Polina Molotov (wife of Vyacheslav Molotov, a protégé of Stalin), Kliment Voroshilov (“Uncle Voroshilov” to Svetlana).
Bottom row, from left:
Anna Eliava (wife of George Eliava, a prominent Georgian scientist), Zhenya Alliluyeva (wife of Stalin’s brother-in-law), and Dmitry Manuilsky (a Soviet deputy) and his wife.

O
n December 6, 1934, two years after the death of her mother, eight-year-old Svetlana found herself at the Hall
of Columns attending the lying-in-state of Sergei Kirov. He was one of her favorite “uncles” with whom she’d played the Hostess game. Just days before, the extended Stalin clan had attended a comedy called
The Hangover After the Feast
at the Maly Theater, and then her father had invited them all back for dinner at Kuntsevo. Uncle Sergei had sent them
snetki
(smelts) from Leningrad.
¹
Now Uncle Sergei was dead too. “I didn’t like this thing called Death. I was terrified…. I developed a fear of dark places, dark rooms, dark depths,” Svetlana later told a friend.
²

On December 1, at 4:30 p.m., Sergei Kirov, secretary of the Leningrad Party organization, was assassinated in the corridor of his office at the Smolny Institute, headquarters of the local Communist Party. Kirov’s assassin, Leonid Nikolaev, had walked brazenly into the building and shot him. According to the initial reports of the NKVD, Nikolaev’s motive was revenge for Kirov’s adulterous relationship with his wife, but it was soon announced that Nikolaev was a member of a counterrevolutionary terrorist organization plotting to overthrow the government. At the end of December, Nikolaev, along with fourteen codefendants, was tried and executed.
³

The Kirovs, the Stalins, the Alliluyevs, and the Svanidzes stood together in the austere Hall of Columns. In her private diary, later confiscated by the secret police, Maria Svanidze described the scene:

The Hall was brightly lit, decorated with heavy plush banners, reaching the ceiling…. The Hall was high, two stories. In the middle … was standing … a very simple red-cotton coffin with rushes…. [Kirov’s] face was yellow-green, with nose grown sharp, lips tightly closed, with deep lines on the forehead and on the cheeks, with corners of his lips curled down in suffering sadness. A large blue spot from falling could be seen from the left temple to
the left cheekbone. Around the coffin were many wreaths with ribbons, inscribed by the organizations…. Lights for news-chronicles were around … security people and on the stage the orchestra of the Bolshoi was playing all the time…. Full lights notwithstanding, it was gloomily dark.

At eleven p.m., the leaders appeared, preceded by Stalin.

Joseph steps up the stage to the coffin, his face is twisted with grief, he kisses the forehead of dead Sergey Mironovitch. All this pierces our souls, we know how close they have been, and everyone in the Hall is sobbing. I can hear through my own sobs the sobbing of men around.
⁴

Maria recorded that immediately after receiving news of Kirov’s death, Nadya’s brother Pavel visited Stalin at his dacha. Sitting with his head in his hands, Stalin cried, “I am quite orphaned now.” Pavel was so moved that he rushed at once to hug and kiss his brother-in-law.

But Stalin was not at his dacha. The scene of Pavel’s tenderness probably occurred several days later. Instead, Stalin was in his Kremlin office. As soon as news of the assassination reached him at five p.m., a much less maudlin Stalin called in his Politburo and Genrikh Yagoda, NKVD chief, to arrange an overnight train to Leningrad. Probably that night he drafted the Law of December 1, “instructing the police and courts to try cases of terrorism without delay, reject appeals, and carry out death sentences immediately upon conviction.”
⁵
The rules of investigation thus simplified, over the next three years, what had begun as the expulsion of counterrevolutionaries from the Party would turn into mass repression.

Some believed Stalin ordered Kirov’s assassination. Kirov was too popular and was in favor of slowing down Stalin’s policy
of rapid industrialization. There is little evidence to support this theory, but certainly Kirov’s assassination provided a necessary and important beginning to the subsequent Great Terror, in which hundreds of thousands were swept away in “mass operations.”
⁶

As a consequence of collectivization and dekulakization,
^*
the OGPU (secret police, renamed NKVD in 1934) had already spread its tentacles through every level of society as it hunted for class enemies. Wiretapping, surveillance, pressure on informants, imprisonment in solitary confinement, confessions exacted under torture—all became the norm. Compromising information mutated like a virus, implicating hundreds of thousands.

In 1935 and 1936, as the mass arrests were under way, a collective hysteria took over. At the height of the Great Terror, during “seventeen months in 1937 and 1938 alone, 1.7 million people were arrested, more than 700,000 of them shot, and another 300,000 to 400,000 sent into punishing exile in Siberia, Kazakhstan, and other far-away places.”
⁷

In 1937, on the twentieth anniversary of the Revolution, Stalin was reported to have told his close associates at a private banquet:

We will destroy each and every enemy even if he was an old Bolshevik; we will destroy all his kin, his family. We will mercilessly destroy anyone who, by his deeds or his thoughts—yes, his thoughts—threatens the unity of the socialist state.
⁸

By 1938, as a result of the repression carried out by the NKVD, the Gulag prison population had swelled to two million.
⁹

As an eleven-year-old, Svetlana could understand nothing of this, but she personally began to feel the impact of this new climate of terror when she returned from her vacation in Sochi at the end of the summer of 1937. Carolina Til, the German housekeeper who’d been with the family for ten years, had been dismissed as unreliable.
¹⁰
Lieutenant Alexandra Nakashidze appeared in her place. Nakashidze had totally reorganized Svetlana’s room, removing all the furniture that once belonged to her mother and emptying the cupboard of her childhood mementos, her album of drawings, her clay figurines, and her presents from the aunts. The few cherished things that tied her to her mother—an enameled box with dragons, a tiny glass, and some cups—had vanished.
¹¹
When Svetlana asked her nanny to complain about the loss, her nanny replied that there was nothing to do—everything belonged to the state.

Nakashidze worked for the NKVD State Security Forces. A young woman under thirty, she was unskilled as a housekeeper, but housekeeping was not her function. She was meant to get close to Svetlana and her brother Vasili in order to scrutinize their friends and acquaintances.

Starting that fall of 1937, Svetlana was assigned a bodyguard named Ivan Krivenko, a sour, jaundiced-looking man whom she immediately disliked. He followed her everywhere—to school, to the theater, to music lessons. One day she discovered him digging through her schoolbag and reading her diary.
¹²

At school she found herself under a new regimen. She was forbidden to use the common cloakroom and had to hang her coat in a small room next to the school’s office. She was no longer allowed to eat with the other students. Now she ate a lunch, brought from home, in a small screened-off corner of the lunchroom under the scrutiny of an NKVD officer, which left her blushing with embarrassment.

Then there was trouble with Misha, one of her closest friends. Red-haired and freckled like Svetlana, Misha was a passionate reader whom she’d known since she was eight. They both loved to raid their parents’ extensive libraries and discuss the books they found. As eleven-year-olds, they shared a passion for Maupassant and were madly engrossed by Jules Verne and the Indian tales of the American author James Fenimore Cooper. At school they passed each other little love notes on blotting paper, and they phoned back and forth almost every day. Then Misha’s parents, who worked for state publishers, were arrested. Svetlana’s governess took her little love notes to the school principal and insisted that Misha be transferred to another class. Clearly Misha was a dangerous influence, with his “unreliable” parents, and the friendship was terminated. It would be nineteen years before they met again.
¹³

From the early days of the Revolution, Bolshevik ideology had built a tradition of identifying “enemies of the people” and “anti-Soviet elements.” Show trials and the fabrication of evidence had been almost commonplace since the Civil War.
¹⁴
People were trained to believe in conspiracies against the great Soviet experiment. After the first two great show trials engineered by Stalin in August 1936 and January 1937, in which most of those targeted were from the Old Guard of the Bolshevik Party, Svetlana’s Aunt Maria Svanidze wrote in her secret diary:

March 17, 1937:

My soul is burning with anger, and hatred, their death does not satisfy me. They ought to be tortured, burned alive, for all their wicked deeds. Sellers of the motherland, parasites with the party. And so many of them! Ah, they wanted to ruin our society, they wanted to ruin all victories of revolution, to kill our husbands, our sons….

Endless disappearance of persons with big names, who
for years were our heroes, conducted big jobs, were trusted, and many times rewarded—they turned out to be our enemies, traitors of the people, bribed and bought ones…. How could we have missed all this?
¹⁵

Maria Svanidze believed in their guilt until she herself was arrested.

On December 21, Maria and Alexander Svanidze were the first members of Svetlana’s family to be taken away by the NKVD.

According to Anastas Mikoyan, Alexander Svanidze was like a brother to Stalin. He was deputy chair of the board of the State Bank of the USSR in 1937 and had done sensitive work for Stalin in Germany over a number of years. In April, Stalin ordered Nikolai Yezhov, the new head of the NKVD (the former head, Genrikh Yagoda, was awaiting execution), to begin the purge of the staff at the State Bank.

Pavel and Zhenya Alliluyev were hosting a housewarming party in their apartment. It was a festive, elegant affair. Maria and Alexander had attended and then returned to their own residence. After midnight, the Svandizes’ son Johnik, named after John Reed, the famous American author of
Ten Days That Shook the World
, rang Pavel and Zhenya’s bell. “Mama and Papa have been arrested,” he cried. “She was taken away in her beautiful clothes.”
¹⁶
Alexander’s sister Mariko was also arrested, along with Maria’s brother. Johnik, Svetlana’s longtime playmate at Zubalovo, soon disappeared too.

To Svetlana it was inconceivable that Uncle Alyosha and Aunt Maria were “enemies of the people.” She believed they were “victims of some frightful mix-up, which ‘even Father himself’ could not disentangle.”
¹⁷
Everyone in the family was frightened and tried to send messages to Stalin through Svetlana. When she conveyed these, Stalin would say, “Why do you repeat everything like an empty drum?” He ordered her to stop “lawyering.”
¹⁸

Alexander Alliluyev, the son of Pavel and Zhenya, tells the story of how Maria Svanidze managed to smuggle a letter to his mother from prison. The letter was written on a shirt: “Zhenya, you cannot imagine what is going on here. I am sure that Stalin does not know about this. I ask for a favor. Please let him know.” Without telling her husband, Zhenya typed out Maria’s letter and took it to Stalin. Stalin’s reply was cold and measured: “Zhenya, I ask you never to come to me with a letter like this again.”
¹⁹

That summer of 1938, Uncle Pavel often visited the Kremlin apartment, hoping to plead for the Svanidzes. He would sit dejectedly in either Svetlana’s or Vasili’s room, sighing deeply as he waited for Stalin.
²⁰
Pavel’s own son Alexander explained the futility of this: