The Years of Extermination: Nazi Germany and the Jews, 1939-1945 (114 page)

193. Quoted in Pierre Birnbaum,
Anti-Semitism in France: A Political History from Léon Blum to the Present
(Oxford, 1992), p. 183.

194. Ibid., p. 185.

195. In a book published in 1947,
L’Église Catholique en France sous l’occupation
, Monsignor Guerry himself reproduced the gist of the declaration, possibly without even perceiving its problematic aspect. For a very mild discussion of this issue see Jean-Marie Mayeur, “Les Églises devant la Persécution des Juifs en France,” in
La France et la question juive: 1940–1944
, ed. Georges Wellers, André Kaspi, and Serge Klarsfeld (Paris, 1981), p. 151ff.

196. For example the bishop of Grenoble and the archbishop of Chambéry, ibid., p. 143 n. 11.

197. For a good summary of these attitudes, see François Delpech, “L’Episcopat et la persecution des juifs et des étrangers,” in
Églises et chrétiens dans la IIe Guerre mondiale
(Lyon, 1978).

198. Quoted in Michèle Cointet,
L’Église Sous Vichy, 1940–1945. La repentance en question
(Paris, 1998), pp. 187–88.

199. Marrus and Paxton,
Vichy et les juifs
, pp. 203–4.

200. Regarding Abetz’s role and his use of anti-Semitism for his own political ambitions, see Barbara Lambauer, “Opportunistischer Antisemitismus: Der deutscher Botschafter Otto Abetz und die Judenverfolgang in Frankreich,”
Vierteljahrshefte für Zeitgeschichte
2 (2005), pp. 241ff and in particular pp. 247ff. See also Ahlrich Meyer,
Täter im Verhör: Die Endlösung der Judenfrage in Frankreich 1940–1944
(Darmstadt, 2005), pp. 23ff. Thus the initial role of the German military administration had to be nuanced. For the traditional interpretation see Ulrich Herbert, “Die deutsche Militärverwaltung in Paris und die Deportation der französischen Juden,” in
Von der Aufgabe der Freiheit: Politische Verantwortung und bürgerliche Gesellschaft im 19. und 20. Jahrhundert: Festschrift für Hans Mommsen zum 5. November 1995
, ed. Christian Jansen, Lutz Niethammer, and Bernd Weisbrod (Berlin, 1995), p. 431; Serge Klarsfeld,
Vichy-Auschwitz: Le rôle de Vichy dans la solution finale de la question juive en France, 1943–1944
(Paris, 1985), p. 356. For Hitler’s initial order see Franz Halder,
Kriegstagebuch: Tägliche Aufzeichnungen des Chefs des Generalstabes des Heeres, 1939–1942
, ed. Hans Adolf Jacobsen, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1962–64), p. 77.

201. Herbert, “Die deutsche Militärverwaltung in Paris und die Deportation der französischen Juden,” p. 432.

202. Ibid., p. 433.

203. Ibid.

204. Poznanski,
Être juif
, p. 67.

205. Ibid., pp. 67ff.

206. Ibid., pp. 68–69.

207. Renée Poznanski,
Jews in France during World War II
(Waltham, MA, 2001), p. 85.

208. Herbert R. Lottman,
La Rive gauche: Du Front populaire à la guerre froide
(Paris, 1981), pp. 303–4. For a sample of the categories of forbidden authors of books, see Verdès-Leroux,
Refus et violences
, p. 149. All Jewish authors were excluded, whereas in many other cases the exclusion targeted only specific books.

209. Burrin,
France under the Germans
, p. 29.

210. Ibid.

211. See Lutz Raphael, “Die Pariser Universität unter deutscher Besatzung 1940–1944,” in
Universitäten im nationalsozialistisch beherrschten Europa
, ed. Dieter Langewiesche,
Geschichte und Gesellschaft
23, no 4. (1997), pp. 511–12, 522. Some protests against the anti-Jewish measures were expressed by a few faculty members, but these were rare exceptions in a climate of indifference and acceptance (ibid., p. 523).

212. Burrin,
France under the Germans
, p. 307.

213. Ibid., p. 308.

214. Ibid.

215. Simon Schwarzfuchs,
Aux prises avec Vichy: Histoire politique des Juifs de France, 1940–1944
(Paris, 1998), p. 73.

216. Ibid.

217. For Lambert’s prewar biography see Richard Cohen, introduction in Raymond-Raoul Lambert,
Carnet d’un témoin: 1940–1943
, ed. Richard I. Cohen (Paris, 1985); for Biélinky’s prewar life see Renée Poznanski, introduction to Jacques Biélinky,
Journal, 1940–1942: Un journaliste juif à Paris sous l’Occupation
, ed. Renée Poznanski (Paris, 1992).

218. Lambert,
Carnet d’un témoin
, p. 72.

219. Ibid., p. 83.

220. Ibid., pp. 85–86.

221. Biélinky,
Journal
, p. 57.

222. See Pierre Birnbaum,
Prier pour l’État: Les juifs, l’alliance royale et la démocratie
(Paris, 2005), p. 117.

223. Biélinky,
Journal
, p. 106.

224. For the details of the negotiations between Dannecker and the Jewish organizations, see Jacques Adler,
The Jews of Paris and the Final Solution: Communal Response and Internal Conflicts, 1940–1944
(New York, 1987), p. 53ff.

225. Bob Moore,
Victims and Survivors: The Nazi Persecution of the Jews in the Netherlands, 1940–1945
(London, 1997), p. 45.

226. Manoschek,
“Es gibt nur eines für das Judentum,”
p. 13.

227. Moore,
Victims and Survivors
, p. 49.

228. Louis de Jong, “Jews and Non-Jews in Nazi-Occupied Holland,” in
The Nazi Holocaust: Historical Articles on the Destruction of European Jews
, ed. Michael R. Marrus (Westport, 1989), vol. 4:
The Final Solution Outside Germany (I)
, pp. 130–31.

229. For a general study of the German occupation of Holland and Dutch cooperation see Gerhard Hirschfeld,
Nazi Rule and Dutch Collaboration: The Netherlands under German Occupation, 1940–1945
(Oxford, 1988).

230. Moore,
Victims and Survivors
, p. 57.

231. B. A. Sijes, “The Position of the Jews During the German Occupation of the Netherlands: Some Observations,” in
The Nazi Holocaust: Historical Articles on the Destruction of European Jews
, ed. Michael R. Marrus (Westport, CT, 1989) vol. 4, p. 153.

232. Joseph Michman, “The Controversial Stand of the Joodse Raad in the Netherlands: Lodewijk E. Visser’s Struggle,”
Yad Vashem Studies
10 (1974), p. 13.

233. Moore,
Victims and Survivors
, pp. 196ff.

234. Guus Meershoek, “The Amsterdam Police and the Persecution of the Jews,” in
Holocaust: Critical Concepts in Historical Studies
, vol. 3, ed. David Cesarani (New York, 2004), p. 540.

235. For further details see J. Presser,
Ashes in the Wind: The Destruction of Dutch Jewry
(Detroit, 1988), p. 50.

236. Quoted in ibid., p. 27–28.

237. For a detailed account see Gerhard Hirschfeld, “Die Universität Leyden unter dem Nationalsozialismus,” in
Universitäten im nationalsozialistisch beherrschten Europa
, ed. Dieter Langewiesche,
Geschichte und Gesellschaft
23, vol. 4 (1997) pp. 573ff.

238.
DGFP: Series D
, vol. 11, p. 1120.

239. Quoted in Röhm and Thierfelder,
Juden
, vol. 3, part 2, p. 270.

240. Benjamin Leo Wessels,
Ben’s Story: Holocaust Letters with Selections from the Dutch Underground Press
, ed. Kees W. Bolle (Carbondale, IL, 2001), p. 21.

241. Ibid., pp. 21ff.

242. Claude Singer,
Vichy, l’université et les juifs: Les silences et la mémoire
(Paris, 1992), pp. 163ff. There were of course many private expressions of sympathy and one known resignation in protest against the anti-Jewish measures, that of a high official of the education system in Paris, Gustave Monod (ibid., p. 100). For some letters of sympathy see in particular ibid., pp. 379–82.

243. Marcel Baudot, “Les Mouvements de Résistance devant la persécution des juifs,” in
La France et la question juive: 1940–1944
, ed. Georges Wellers, André Kaspi, and Serge Klarsfeld (Paris, 1981), p. 279.

244. Klemperer,
I Will Bear Witness
, vol. 1, pp. 340–41.

245. A privileged mixed marriage was one whose children were not raised as Jews; its members were exempted from anti-Jewish measures. A nonprivileged mixed marriage was one whose children were raised as Jews, or a childless union like that of the Klemperers. Usually, even in the case of nonprivileged mixed marriages, deportations were delayed if the Jewish partner was a convert or if the Jewish partner was the wife.

246. Ruth Zariz, ed.,
Mikhtave halutsim mi-Polin ha-kevushah, 1940–1944
(Ramat Ef ’al, 1994), p. 51.

247. Walter Benjamin,
Correspondence
, vol. 2, p. 861.

248. Walter Benjamin,
Briefe
, ed., Gershom Scholem and Theodor Adorno, vol. 2 (Frankfurt am Main, 1978), p. 846.

249. Hannah Arendt “Introduction” to Walter Benjamin,
Illuminations: Essays and Reflections
, New York, 1968, p. 18.

Chapter 3: December 1940–June 1941

1. Joseph Goebbels,
Die Tagebücher von Joseph Goebbels: Sämtliche Fragmente
, ed. Elke Fröhlich, part 1, vol. 9 (Munich, 1998), pp. 377–78.

2. Ibid., p. 379.

3. Franz Halder,
Kriegstagebuch: Tägliche Aufzeichnungen des Chefs des Generalstabes des Heeres, 1939–1942
, ed. Hans Adolf Jacobsen, vol. 2 (Stuttgart, 1962–64), pp. 21, 31, 32, 34, 36, mainly 49ff.

4. The draft of the treaty indicates that “America” was its main target, at least on paper.
DGFP: Series D
, vol. 11, p. 188.

5. On the president’s stand and German reactions, see Saul Friedländer,
Prelude to Downfall: Hitler and the United States, 1939–41
(New York, 1967), pp. 165ff.

6. Ibid., p. 171.

7. Adolf Hitler,
Hitler: Reden und Proklamationen, 1932–1945: Kommentiert von einem deutschen Zeitgenossen
, ed. Max Domarus, part 2 (Leonberg, 1987–88), pp. 1663–64.

8. KTB/OKW (3/3/1941), quoted in Jürgen Förster, “Operation Barbarossa as a War of Conquest and Annihilation,” in
The Attack on the Soviet Union
, ed. Horst Boog,
Germany and the Second World War
(Oxford, 1998), p. 185.

9. Halder,
Kriegstagebuch
, vol. 2, pp. 336–37.

10. For a discussion of Eckart’s pamphlet see Friedländer,
Nazi Germany and the Jews, Volume I
, pp. 97–98.

11. For Hitler’s interpretation of the role played by the Jews in Russia/the Soviet Union, see Adolf Hitler,
Hitler’s Second Book: The Unpublished Sequel to Mein Kampf
, ed. Gerhard L. Weinberg (New York, 2003), pp. 144ff., 150ff., and 232ff.

12. Sometimes Hitler’s utterances give the impression that, in his view, Stalin had liquidated the “Jewish” part of Judeo-Bolshevism, particularly regarding the political commissars. Thus, on January 7, 1941, he declared to the Bulgarian prime minister, Bogdan Filov, “First, the Bolshevists installed Jewish commissars, who tortured their former opponents to death. Next came the Russian commissars who, in turn, displaced the Jews.” (
DGFP: Series D
, vol. 11, p. 1023). Of course it may have been an indirect way of justifying to a foreign leader his arrangement with the Soviet Union: It was no longer Jewish.

13. These interpretations appear in Arno J. Mayer,
Why Did the Heavens Not Darken?: The Final Solution in History
(New York, 1988).

14. The negotiations between SS and army started much earlier than was thought for a long time; discussions were already ongoing in February 1941. See Richard Breitman,
The Architect of Genocide: Himmler and the Final Solution
(New York, 1991), pp. 149–150.

15. For the changing preambles attached to this order that at first pointed specifically to the Jews but then, however, remained limited to security arguments, see Christopher R. Browning and Jürgen Matthäus,
The Origins of the Final Solution: The Evolution of Nazi Jewish policy, September 1939–March 1942
(Lincoln, NE, 2004), pp. 219–20.

16. For the text of the guidelines, see Peter Longerich and Dieter Pohl, eds.,
Die Ermordung der europäischen Juden: Eine umfassende Dokumentation des Holocaust 1941–1945
(Munich, 1989), p. 136.

17. Browning and Matthäus,
The Origins of the Final Solution
, pp. 222–23.

18. For discussions and supplementary decrees stemming from the order, see ibid., pp. 220–22.

19. Quoted in Manfred Messerschmidt;
Die Wehrmacht im NS-Staat; Zeit der Indoktrination
(Hamburg, 1969), pp. 326ff.

20. At the end of 1941, 750,000 copies of
Mitteilungen
were printed per issue. See Martin Moll, “Die Abteilung Wehrmachtpropaganda im Oberkommando der Wehrmacht,”
Beiträge zur Geschichte des Nationalsozialismus
17 (2001), p. 130.

21. Peter Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung: Eine Gesamtdarstellung der nationalsozialistischen Judenverfolgung
(Munich, 1998), pp. 313ff. and 320.

22. Götz Aly,
“Final Solution”: Nazi Population Policy and the Murder of the European Jews
(London, 1999), p. 126.

23. Ibid., p. 172.

24. Ibid.; Longerich,
Politik der Vernichtung
, pp. 290–91; Heinrich Himmler,
Der Dienstkalender Heinrich Himmlers 1941/42
, ed. Peter Witte et al. (Hamburg, 1999), p. 139 n. 69.

25. Goebbels,
Tagebücher
, part 1, vol. 9, pp. 389–90.

26. There is no direct evidence regarding the date on which Heydrich received Göring’s order (that is, Hitler’s order) to prepare a new territorial solution of the “Jewish question” in replacement of the “Madagascar plan.” But, on the basis of documents stemming from Eichmann’s delegate in Paris, Theodor Dannecker and from Eichmann himself, the order must have been given sometime at the end of 1940. Aly,
“Final Solution,”
pp. 172–73.