Vienna, 1814: How the Conquerors of Napoleon Made Love, War, and Peace at the Congress of Vienna (66 page)

Speculation of Marie Louise’s arrival in Vienna, for example, is in Agent Göhausen to Hager, October 6, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 291, and Marie Louise’s dilemma well-presented in Alan Palmer’s
Napoleon and Marie Louise: The Emperor’s Second Wife
(2001), 175–176. Her letters, which she numbered after reaching Rambouillet, nos. 186–205, published by the king of Sweden, Gustav VI Adolf’s private secretary, C. F. Palmstierna, and translated by E. M. Wilkinson,
My Dearest Louise: Marie-Louise and Napoleon 1813–1814
(1958), 194–224.

Talleyrand’s October 1 Note addressed to the powers, HHSA St. K Kongressakten Kart. 2, the King’s Ambassadors at the Congress, October 4, 1814, no. 3A,
Memoirs
(1891), II, 228, letter to King Louis XVIII, October 4, 1814,
TLC,
20–21, and letter to King Louis XVIII, October 9, 1814, 28–29, with repeated phrase on their league to “make themselves masters of everything.” This note was essentially repeating his position, Gentz to Karadja, October 6, 1814,
Dépêches inédites de chevalier de Gentz aux hospodars de Valachie pour servir a l’histoire la politique européene,
ed. Le Comte Prokesch-Osten fils (1876), I, 109; its impact on many small German princes and powers, Castlereagh to Liverpool, October 9, 1814,
BD,
CXIV, 203. The French ploy is in an intercepted letter, too, Dalberg to Jaucourt, October 8, 1814,
GPWK,
222–223. Spain’s support, including Labrador’s boast of cracking the cabal, Freddi to Hager, October 2,
GPWK,
150. “Supreme arbiters,” Humboldt “a firebrand flung into our midst,” and the Prussian rumors about the French, Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, October 9, 1814,
TLC,
28–29. Castlereagh’s words on “entirely confidential,” 29, and Castlereagh’s words “rather excited apprehension” from his letter to Liverpool, October 9, 1814,
BD,
CXIII, 202. Additional critiques of Talleyrand, who was provoking “distrust and alarm,” come from Castlereagh to Liverpool, the same
BD,
CXV, 204–205, and also in
WSD,
IX, 323.

Talleyrand’s note on October 3 appears in
Le Congrès de Vienne et les traités de 1815
(1864), II, 264. Gentz’s background is traced in the biographies by Paul Sweet,
Friedrich von Gentz: Defender of the Old Order
(1941), and Golo Mann,
Secretary of Europe: The Life of Friedrich Gentz, Enemy of Napoleon
(1946). Gentz “took pleasure in himself”—
“sich selbst zu geniessen,”
Hannah Arendt,
Rahel Varnhagen: The Life of a Jewess,
ed. Liliane Weissberg and trans. Richard and Clara Winston (1997), 146. Kant allowed the student to proof his writings, Mann (1946), 8. On the fourth, it was not Castlereagh who handed the note as sometimes claimed, but rather Metternich. See King’s Ambassadors at the Congress, no. 4A, October 8, 1814, in Talleyrand
Memoirs
(1891), II, 238, letter to King Louis XVIII, October 9, 1814,
TLC,
30. October 5 meeting as “very stormy and very memorable,” Gentz,
Tagebücher,
October 5, 1814 (1873), 314, and Metternich’s threats to call off the congress at once,
Dépêches inédites,
October 6, 1814 (1876), I, 110. The end of the meeting on October 5 that “evaporated rather than ended” comes from Talleyrand’s letter dated October 9, 1814, in
TLC,
33–34.

C
HAPTER
10. T
HE
P
EOPLE’S
F
ESTIVAL

Castlereagh’s goals, including his plans for a strong Prussia, are analyzed in C. K. Webster,
The Foreign Policy of Castlereagh, 1812–1815: Britain and the Reconstruction of Europe
(1931). Lord Stewart’s image as friendly to the Prussians, or “entirely Prussian” in Talleyrand’s words, comes from a letter to Louis XVIII, October 19, 1814,
TLC,
71. Castlereagh hopes for a closer Prussian-Austrian cooperation, Castlereagh to Liverpool, October 9, 1814,
BD,
CXIII, 201. Hardenberg and Humboldt shared Castlereagh’s concerns about Russia, as can be seen in many places, such as Humboldt’s comments in a letter to his wife, November 2, 1814, 399, or report to Hager, October 20, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 462, or Gentz to Karadja,
Dépêches inédites,
June 21, 1814, 81–82. Humboldt pressing for “close union” with Austria, in intercepted letter to King of Prussia, September 14, 1814,
GPWK
, 118, and I, no. 100. Hardenberg disagreeing with the king, already from his first meeting at the Hofburg,
Tagebücher und autobiographische Aufzeichnungen
(2000), September 26, 1814, 798. The unpopularity of the Russians with many Prussians also noted by many police agents, Nota to Hager, October 1, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 210. The difficulties to surmount for an Austria and Prussia combination against Russia were considerable, given the risks inherent in traditional alliance systems, as explained well by Schroeder,
The Transformation of European Politics, 1763–1848
(1994), 14–15. Tensions were surfacing, too, over dividing the spoils, as noted in an earlier intercepted letter from Danish embassy, Rosencrantz to Bernstorff, August 16, 1814,
GPWK
, 111.

Castlereagh and Talleyrand had their differences, especially on priorities, for instance, Talleyrand to Louis XVIII, October 31, 1814,
TLC
, 103–104. Arguments on behalf of Saxony and suspicions of Castlereagh’s fears also in this letter, 104–107. The People’s Festival at Augarten, Eynard, “un fête superbe,”
Au Congrès de Vienne: journal de Jean-Gabriel
(1914–1924) I, 5, October 6, and Countess Bernstorff’s
Ein Bild aus der Zeit von 1789 bis 1835: Aus ihren Aufzeichnungen
, I (1896), 156. Comte Auguste de La Garde-Chambonas,
Anecdotal Recollections of the Congress of Vienna
(1902), 83–86, and balloonist that day, Spiel (1968), 95. Other activities, including the riding, the acrobatics, and the fireworks, are in Matthias Franz Perth, October 6, 1814,
Wiener Kongresstagebuch, 1814–1815
(1981), 48, and Stolberg-Wernigerode, the same day,
Tagebuch über meinen Aufenthalt in Wien zur Zeit des Congresses
(2004), 51–52, who thought it all seemed a big confusion.

Talleyrand and Metternich preconference conversation on October 8, and the public law debate, King’s Ambassadors at the Congress, no. 4A, October 8, 1814, 240. The meeting itself, Talleyrand to King Louis XVIIII, October 9, 1814,
TLC,
31–34 and 36–42, and McGuigan (1975), 347–348. Nesselrode on tsar’s intentions to leave also in Nesselrode to Pozzo di Borgo, September 27, 1814 (the fifteenth in the Russian calendar),
Correspondance Diplomatique du comte Pozzo di Borgo
(1890), 82. The Great Powers had met earlier that afternoon, before Talleyrand, and then again in the evening, Gentz,
Tagebücher,
October 8, 1814 (1873), I, 316. The public law insertion, King’s Ambassadors at the Congress, no. 5A, October 12, 1814,
Memoirs
(1891), II, 249. Hardenberg noted without comment,
Tagebücher und autobiographische Aufzeichnungen
(2000), October 8, 1814, 801. The new Committee of Eight meeting with the postponement of the congress is in
Le Congrès de Vienne et les traités de 1815
, ed. Comte d’ Angeberg (1864) II, 272–273, as well as the
Wiener Zeitung,
October 13, 1814, and its purpose as supposedly to represent the congress itself, Gaëtan de Raxis de Flassan,
Histoire du Congrès de Vienne
(1829), I, 26. The delay, of course, would be highly beneficial to the French delegation, as noted by many, including Karl August Varnhagen von Ense,
Denkwürdigkeiten des Eignen Lebens
(1987), II, 597.

Dinner with Duchess of Sagan on Wednesday, October 5, Gentz,
Tagebücher
(1873) I, 314–315, though he did not mention the incident with Windischgrätz. Sagan’s relationship with Windischgrätz, the story of the ring, are in Pflaum,
By Influence and Desire: The True Story of Three Extraordinary Women—the Grand Duchess of Courland and Her Daughters
(1984), 118–119, and more background, particularly, McGuigan,
Metternich and the Duchess
(1975), 60. Rzewuska elaborates on the help of the apothecary and the perfume after the ring’s “adventurous journey,”
Mémoires de la comtesse Rosalie Rzewuska
(1788–1865) (1939), I, 262. Windischgrätz’s role in promoting the cigar, see Pflaum, 118. Metternich was not present, hosting his own reception the same day, San Marzan,
Diario,
October 5, 1814, lviii. Metternich and the duchess relationship at this time, and the rivalry, Rzewuska (1939) I, 259, and Metternich writing to her in a meeting, October 9, 1814,
MSB,
267. His “tears of joy” also comes from this letter. The costume of the Four Elements comes from many sources, including Eynard, October 10, 1814 (1914–1924), I, 15, Countess Edling,
Mémoires
(1888), 183, Schönholz,
Traditionen zur Charakteristik Österreichs, seines Staats-und Volkslebens unter Franz I
(1914), II, 108, Countess Bernstorff, (1896), I, 155–156, Perth (1981), 52, and San Marzan,
Diario,
October 9, 1814, lviii.

C
HAPTER
11. A L
AWLESS
S
CRAMBLE?

The wait in Metternich’s office, including the description of the tired foreign minister, Eynard, October 11, 1815,
Journal
(1914–1924), I, 17–21. Pictet de Rochemont, who joined Eynard at that meeting, agreed that Metternich was “all smiles,” though he also felt that Metternich seemed ignorant of the issues,
Biographie, travaux et correspondance diplomatique
(1892), 168–169. Consalvi’s sophistication was also noted by Archduke Johann, September 23, 1814,
Aus dem Tagebuche Erzherzog Johanns von Oesterreich 1810–1815
, ed. Franz, Ritter von Krones (1891), 171. Consalvi’s background in
Mémoires
(1864) and John Martin Robinson’s
Cardinal Consalvi, 1757–1824
(1987), E. E. Y. Hales,
Revolution and Papacy, 1769
–1846 (1960), 229–230. Consalvi on Napoleon in
Mémoires
(1864), II, 397; Cardinal Consalvi’s work with the monuments and streets, Robinson (1987), 60–61, and Consalvi as the only papal-vicar, 76–77. Consalvi’s objectives noted in police report to Hager, September 18, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 106, and determination, for example, Nota to Hager, October 3, 1814, I, no. 254.

Napoleon’s plundering of the Vatican is in Dorothy Mackay Quynn’s “The Art Confiscations of the Napoleonic Wars,”
AHR,
50, no. 3. (April 1945), 437–460, Owen Chadwick,
The Popes and European Revolution
(1981), 462. One reason for Austria’s interests in the Legations was perhaps as an exchange with Marie Louise that would keep her out of Parma with its proximity to Elba, or perhaps as compensation for the king of Saxony for losing his territory, Humboldt to King of Prussia, intercepted, September 14, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 100.

Metternich and Bagration relationship, including their daughter Clementine, is in Hastier’s
“Les Bagration”
:
Vieilles histoire, étranges enigmes
(1962), McGuigan,
Metternich and the Duchess
(1975), 16, and Corti,
Metternich und die Frauen
(1948), I, 70–72. Tsar Alexander’s regular visits to Princess Bagration salon, Siber to Hager, October 3, 1814,
DCV,
I, no. 247, and Agent Göhausen to Hager, October 6, 1814, no. 291. The tsar’s interest particularly in her relationship with Metternich, Nota to Hager, October 3,
DCV,
I, no. 252, and suspicion that she was complying, Report to Hager, October 14, no. 415.

Many of Marie Louise’s letters have been discovered in the twentieth century. In addition to 243 of her letters to Duchesse de Montebello, published in Edouard Gachot’s
Marie-Louise Intime
(1912), there was another collection of 318 letters between Marie Louise and Napoleon that was found inside a desk by her children with Adam Neipperg. The collection remained private, but passed through various owners until 1934, when one of Marie Louise’s great-grandsons put them at auction in London, and the French government purchased them. Another 127 of Marie Louise’s letters, many of them replies to Napoleon, were uncovered eleven years later in Sweden, by the archivist Nils Holm (Napoleon had given the letters to his older brother Joseph for safekeeping; but when Joseph fled to America after Waterloo, he believed that they would be more secure with his sister-in-law, Désirée, wife of former marshal and then Swedish Crown Prince Bernadotte). She preserved the packet in Sweden, where she died in 1860. The king of Sweden, Gustav VI Adolf’s private secretary, C. F. Palmstierna, published a number of the letters, along with others from the Bernadotte files, translated into English by E. M. Wilkinson,
My Dearest Louise: Marie-Louise and Napoleon 1813–1814
(1958), 194–224. Marie Louise’s secretary, Baron Claude-François de Méneval’s
Memoirs Illustrating the History of Napoleon I from 1802
to
1815
, ed. Baron Napoleon Joseph de Méneval (1894), are also engrossing, and the episode in this chapter is discussed in III, 162–311. A valuable recent study is Alan Palmer’s
Napoleon and Marie Louise
(2001), 150–190. Palmer (p. 188), like Palmstierna (p. 223) and many others, dates the empress’s arrival in Vienna on the fourth of October, but I have preferred the seventh because of a number of references in Vienna itself, ranging from diarists like Matthias Franz Perth’s
Wiener Kongresstagebuch, 1814–1815
(1981) to the
Wiener Zeitung,
which, on October 8, 1814, reported her arrival at Schönbrunn the previous day. “Peaches and cream” and “turner’s workshop” are in Hilde Spiel, ed.,
The Congress of Vienna: An Eyewitness Account,
trans. Richard H. Weber (1968), 251. Napoleon’s wishes that his wife and son do not “fall into the hands of the enemy, in any case whatever,” Napoleon to his brother Joseph, March 16, 1814, Méneval (1894), III 195; and Marie Louise’s unhappiness about returning to Vienna appears in several letters, for example, Marie Louise to Méneval, August 15, 1814, Méneval (1894), III, 298.