18
Jackson,
Ulster Party
, pp. 25-39.
19
Loughlin,
Gladstone
, p. 273.
20
Matthew,
Gladstone Diaries
, vol. XII, pp. lxi-lxii, lxxxiii.
21
Welby, ‘Irish Finance’ p. 140.
23
Jackson,
Ulster Party
, pp. 315-16.
25
Robert Blake,
The Unknown Prime Minister: The Life and Times of Andrew Bonar Law, 1858-1923
(London, 1955), p. 130.
26
H. M. Hyde,
Carson: The Life of Sir Edward Carson, Lord Carson of Duncairn
(London, 1953), pp. 286-7.
27
Austen Chamberlain,
Politics from Inside: An Epistolary Chronicle, 1906-14
(London, 1936), p. 193.
28
Blake,
Unknown Prime Minister
, pp. 69-70.
30
Thomas Jones, ‘Andrew Bonar Law’, in J. R. H. Weaver (ed.),
Dictionary of National Biography, 1922-30
(London, 1937), p. 491.
31
Jeremy Smith, ‘Bluff, Bluster and Brinkmanship: Andrew Bonar Law and the Third Home Rule Bill’,
Historical Journal
, 36, 1 (1993), pp. 161-78.
32
Blake,
Unknown Prime Minister
, p. 165.
34
Alvin Jackson,
Sir Edward Carson
(Dublin, 1993), p. 37.
35
A. T. Q. Stewart,
The Ulster Crisis
(London, 1967), pp. 116-20.
37
The best account of Devlin’s career may be found in Eamon Phoenix,
Northern Nationalism: Nationalist Politics, Partition and the Catholic Minority in Northern Ireland, 1890-1940
(Belfast, 1994).
38
Patricia Jalland,
The Liberals and Ireland: The Ulster Question in British Politics to 1914
(Brighton, 1980), p. 56. Bentley Brinkerhoff Gilbert,
David Lloyd George: A Political Life: The Organiser of Victory, 1912-16
(London, 1992), p. 94. Even a comparatively neutral contemporary observer commented on the government’s ‘lack of political imagination to which I attribute the present
impasse
’: Sir Horace Plunkett,
A Better Way: An Appeal to Ulster Not to Desert Ireland
(London, 1914), pp. 7-8.
39
Jalland,
Liberals and Ireland
, p. 59; Gilbert,
Lloyd George
, pp. 3-4.
40
Jalland,
Liberals and Ireland
, p. 67.
43
The Bill was widely reprinted in contemporary publications. See, for example, John Redmond,
The Home Rule Bill
(London, 1912), pp. 103-53; Pembroke Wicks,
The Truth about Home Rule
(Boston, 1913), pp. 221-93.
44
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, p. 12.
47
Jalland,
Liberals and Ireland
, p. 161. For a sustained Unionist critique of the financial settlement see A. W. Samuels,
Home Rule Finance
(Dublin, 1912).
48
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, p. 23.
49
Roy Jenkins,
Asquith
(London, 1964), p. 279.
50
Jalland,
Liberals and Ireland
, p. 47.
51
For a detailed discussion of earlier Home Rule novels see Edward James, ‘The Anglo-Irish Disagreement: Past Irish Futures’,
Linenhall Review
, ¾ (Winter, 1986), pp. 5-8. See also I.F. Clarke,
Voices Prophesying War
,
1763-1984
(Oxford, 1966); D. Suvin,
Victorian Science Fiction in the U.K.: The Discourses of Knowledge and of Power
(Boston, 1983). There were some distinguished literary contributors to the genre, including Lady Gregory: James Pethica (ed.),
Lady Gregory’s Diaries
,
1892-1902
(Gerrards Cross, 1996), p. 13.
52
For Frankfort Moore see Patrick Maume, ‘Ulstermen of Letters: The Unionism of Frank Frankfort Moore, Shan Bullock, and St. John Ervine’, in Richard English and Graham Walker (eds),
Irish Unionism
(London, 1996).
53
See, for example, Eoin MacNeill, ‘The North Began’, reprinted in F. X. Martin (ed.),
The Irish Volunteers, 1913-15: Recollections and Documents
(Dublin, 1963), pp. 57-61. See also Padraig Pearse, ‘The Coming Revolution’, reprinted in the same collection, pp. 61-5 (‘I am glad that the North has “begun”. I am glad that the Orangemen have armed, for it is a goodly thing to see arms in Irish hands.’).
54
The best account of the Unionist gunrunning remains Stewart,
Ulster Crisis.
55
George Birmingham,
The Red Hand of Ulster
(London, 1912), pp. 214-15.
56
A. W. Samuels,
Home Rule: What Is It
? (Dublin, 1911), p. 32. See also A. V. Dicey,
A Fool’s Paradise, Being a Constitutionalist’s Criticism of the Home Rule Bill of 1912
(London, 1913), p. 106. Jackson,
Ulster Party
, p. 122.
57
W. Douglas Newton,
The North Afire: A Picture of What May
Be (London, 1914), p. 142.
58
George Bernard Shaw, ‘Preface for Politicians’ to
John Bull’s Other Island
(new edn, London, 1926), pp. xxiii-xxvi.
61
For MacSwiney and the context to the play see Francis J. Costello,
Enduring the Most: The Life and Death of Terence MacSwiney
(Dingle, 1995), pp. 38-40.
62
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, p. 65. Francis Sheehy-Skeffington,
Michael Davitt: Revolutionary Agitator and Labour Leader
(London, 1908), p. 261. William Redmond echoed his brother’s line: Hansard, 5th ser., vol. XXXVII, col. 149 (15 April 1912). See also Joseph Devlin’s remarks:
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. LIII, col. 1548 (10 June 1913).
63
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, p. 67; A. V. Dicey,
A Leap in the Dark: A Criticism of the Principles of Home Rule as Illustrated by the Bill of 1893
(London, 1911), p. 127.
64
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, p. 23.
65
Richard Bagwell, ‘The Southern Minorities’, in S. Rosenbaum (ed.),
Against Home Rule: The Case for the Union
(London, 1912), p. 184.
66
Wicks,
Truth about Home Rule
, p. 204. Cecil Harmsworth, ‘The State of Public Business’, in Morgan (ed.),
New Irish Constitution
, p. 387.
67
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, p. 66; Dicey,
Leap in the Dark,
pp. 166-7. The reference to ‘Committee Room 15’ is to the venue for the notorious and acrimonious debates in November 1890 concerning Parnell’s leadership of the Irish party.
68
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, pp. 75-6.
69
Sir John MacDonell, ‘Constitutional Limitations upon the Powers of the Irish Legislature’, in Morgan (ed.),
New Irish Constitution
, p. 111.
70
Revd J. B. Armour, ‘The Presbyterian Church in Ulster’, in Morgan (ed.),
New Irish Constitution
, p. 468.
71
Welby, ‘Irish Finance’, p. 146.
72
Jonathan Pym, ‘The Present Position of the Irish Land Question’, in Morgan (ed.),
New Irish Constitution
, p. 169.
73
T. F. Molony, ‘Judiciary, Police and the Maintenance of Law and Order’, in Morgan (ed.),
The New Irish Constitution
, pp. 157-65.
74
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, pp. 13, 65.
75
J. H. M. Campbell, ‘The Control of Judiciary and Police’, in Rosenbaum (ed.),
Against Home Rule
, p. 156.
76
Peter Kerr-Smiley,
The Peril of Home Rule
(London, 1911), p. 56.
77
Wicks,
Truth about Home Rule
, p. 196.
78
Dicey,
Leap in the Dark
, p. 127.
79
Kerr-Smiley,
Peril of Home Rule
, p. 53.
80
Bagwell, ‘Southern Minorities’, p. 187 (‘Nothing will conciliate the revolutionary faction in Ireland, and there is every reason to think that it would become the strongest’).
81
Thomas Sinclair, ‘The Position of Ulster’, in Rosenbaum,
Against Home Rule
, p. 177. See also the businessman H. T. Barrie’s comment on 2 May 1912:
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. XXXVII, col. 2159.
82
Phineas O‘Flannagan (pseudonym for F. Frankfort Moore),
The Diary of an Irish Cabinet Minister: Being the History of the First (and Only) Irish National Administration, 1894
(Belfast, 1893), pp. 28-31.
83
Kerr-Smiley,
Peril of Home Rule
, p. 65.
84
Wicks,
Truth about Home Rule
, p. 220.
85
Earl Percy, ’The Military Disadvantages of Home Rule‘, in Rosenbaum (ed.),
Against Home Rule
, pp. 196-7. For a more extensive examination of this theme see Major-General Sir Thomas Fraser,
The Military Danger of Home Rule in Ireland
(London, 1912). The South African analogy was commonly mentioned: see, for example, W. F. Monypenny,
The Two Irish Nations: An Essay on Home Rule
(London, 1913), pp. 80-7.
86
Percy, ‘Military Disadvantages of Home Rule’, p. 196.
88
Jalland,
Liberals and Ireland
, p. 67, indicates that Asquith had for long recognised the need for (and possible shape of) a deal.
89
Devlin was able to deliver (admittedly with difficulty and in the context of the war) northern Nationalist support for temporary six-county exclusion in June 1916: Phoenix,
Northern Nationalism
, pp. 29-33.
90
For divisions within British Unionist support for Ulster see W. S. Rodner, ’Leaguers, Covenanters, Moderates: British Support for Ulster, 1913-14’,
Eire
-
Ireland
, 17, 3 (1982), pp. 68-85. See also Smith, ‘Bluff, Bluster and Brinkmanship’, pp. 161-78. For an example of Chamberlain’s prevarication on the issue of loyalist militancy see
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. XXXVIII, col. 265 (7 May 1912). For evidence of Lloyd George’s assessment of the likely Conservative difficulty see Gilbert,
Lloyd George
, p. 95.
91
Hardliners appear to have kept a brake on the more consensual impulses of some Ulster Unionist leaders in 1913-14: see Jackson, Carson, pp. 36-40.
92
Redmond,
Home Rule Bill
, p. 132.
93
Kerr-Smiley,
Peril of Home Rule
, pp. 52-3.
94
Paul Bew,
Ideology and the Irish Question: Ulster Unionism and Irish Nationalism, 1912-16
(Oxford, 1994), p. 6.
95
See, for example, Joseph Devlin’s remarks in
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. LIX, col. 2284 (19 March 1914): ‘There will be an earnest desire on the part of Nationalists to do everything that is humanly possible to satisfy their wants and their desires and even to meet their most violent prejudices.’ For the possible influence of the Hibernians see Lord Dunraven’s remarks:
Hansard
, House of Lords, 5th ser., vol. XIII, col. 481 (27 January 1913).
96
Bew,
Ideology and the Irish Question
, pp. 120-3.
97
For evidence of the growing rapprochement between southern Unionists and Redmond as a result of the war see Buckland,
Irish Unionism
, vol. I, pp. 29-50.
98
Carson publicly considered the possibility of an excluded Ulster accepting Home Rule:
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. LX, col. 1752 (29 April 1914).
99
See L. S. Amery’s comments,
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. XXXVII, col. 1781 (16 April 1912): ‘The revision of finance is a direct incentive to the beginning of a new and more advanced Nationalist agitation in Ireland.’
100
Shaw, ‘Preface for Politicians’, p. xxiv, for some interesting reflections on this issue. See also
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. XXXVII, col. 149 (15 April 1912): ‘events might conceivably so shape themselves in Ireland as to give the party from Ulster perhaps a preponderating influence in the Irish parliament’ (William Redmond).
101
Public Record Office of Northern Ireland (PRONI), Crawford Papers, D.1700/2/17-18, ‘Record of the Home Rule Movement’, fo. 187. See also PRONI, Spender Papers, D.1295/2/7, ’Contingencies for the Carrying of Home Rule. Charles Townshend,
Political Violence in Ireland: Government and Resistance since 1848
(Oxford, 1983), p. 252.
102
Townshend,
Political Violence
, p. 252.
103
Ibid., p. 269. See also Jackson, Carson, p. 39, for some evidence of government strategy. For the Unionist leaders’ fears that the government might provoke loyalist riots see Spender Papers, D.1295/2/16, Memorandum written by Spender for Revd Brett Ingram (1959). For the Unionist intention to boycott the new Home Rule Parliament see, for example, J. B. Lonsdale’s remarks on 2 May 1912:
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. XXXVII, col. 2119. See also J. H. M. Campbell’s comments,
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. LV, col. 160 (7 July 1913) and the perceptive remarks of Kellaway,
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. LVIII, col. 119 (10 February 1914).
104
Townshend,
Political Violence
, p. 252.