Virtual History: Alternatives and Counterfactuals (70 page)

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47
[Cobbett (ed.)],
Parliamentary History
, vol. XV, col. 1265.
48
William Burke,
Remarks on the Letter Address’d to Two Great Men. In a Letter to the Author of that Piece
(London, 1760), pp. 50-1.
49
[Benjamin Franklin],
The Interest of Great Britain considered, With Regard to her Colonies, And the Acquisitions of Canada and Guadaloupe
(London, 1760), in Franklin, Papers, vol. IX, pp. 47-100, at pp. 73, 77, 90.
50
Gerald S. Graham,
The Politics of Naval Supremacy: Studies in British Maritime Ascendancy
(Cambridge, 1965), p. 27.
51
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, pp.50-3.
52
Price,
Observations on the Nature of Civil Liberty
, pp. 43-4.
53
Richard Price to Benjamin Franklin, 3 Apr. 1769, in W. Bernard Peach and D. O. Thomas (eds),
The Correspondence of Richard Price
, 3 vols (Cardiff, 1983-94), vol. I, pp. 58-79, at pp. 76-7. When read to the Royal Society, the words ’‘unjust and fatal policy’ were omitted.
54
Richard Price to Ezra Stiles, 2 November 1773, in Price,
Correspondence
, vol. I, p. 165; in response to Stiles to Price, 20 November 1772,
ibid
., p. 149.
55
Quoted in Lawrence Henry Gipson, ‘The American Revolution as an Aftermath of the Great War for the Empire, 1754-1763’,
Political Science Quarterly
, 65 (1950), pp. 86-104, at p. 104.
56
John M. Murrin, ‘The French and Indian War, the American Revolution, and the Counterfactual Hypothesis: Reflections on Lawrence Henry Gipson and John Shy’,
Reviews in American History
, 1 (1973), pp. 307-18, at p. 309.
57
Alison Gilbert Olson, ‘he British Government and Colonial Union, 1754’,
William and Mary Quarterly
, 17 (1960), pp. 22-34.
58
Quoted in Sir Lewis Namier and John Brooke,
Charles Townshend
(London, 1964), pp. 39-40.
59
[Thomas Paine],
Common Sense; Addressed to the Inhabitants of
America (Philadelphia, 1776), p. 31.
60
Jack P. Greene, ‘An Uneasy Connection: An Analysis of the Preconditions of the American Revolution’, in Stephen G. Kurtz and James H. Hutson (eds).
Essays on the American Revolution
(Chapel Hill, 1973), pp. 32-80, at p. 64. Greene argued (pp.65, 72) that the ‘salient condition’ of the Revolution was ‘the decision by colonial authorities in Britain [specifically Lord Halifax, President of the Board of Trade from 1748 to 1761] to abandon Walpole’s policy of accommodation’ in favour of ‘a dependence upon coercion’, a thesis now difficult to sustain against the evidence presented in Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire.
61
Wood,
Making of the American Republic
, pp. 12-13.
62
[John Dickinson],
Letters from a Farmer in Pennsylvania, to the Inhabitants of the British Colonies
(Philadelphia, 1768), pp. 7-13, 16.
63
Franklin to Joseph Galloway, 9 January 1769, in Franklin,
Papers
, vol. XVI, p. 17.
64
Worthington Chauncey Ford (ed.),
Journals of the Continental Congress 1774-1789
, 34 vols (Washington, 1904-37), vol. I, pp. 84, 89.
65
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire,
pp. 114-17.
66
Ibid
., pp. 117-27.
67
Jack P. Greene and Richard M. Jellison, ‘The Currency Act of 1764 in Imperial-Colonial Relations, 1764-1776’,
William and Mary Quarterly
, 18 (1961), pp. 485-518; Joseph Albert Ernst,
Money and Politics in America 1755-1775: A Study in the Currency Act of 1764 and the Political Economy of Revolution
(Chapel Hill, 1973).
68
J. Wright (ed.),
Sir Henry Cavendish’s Debates of the House of Commons during the Thirteenth Parliament of Great Britain
, 2 vols (London, 1841-3), vol. I, pp. 494-5, cited in Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, p. 217.
69
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, p. 226n.
70
Ibid
., p. 238.
71
Franklin,
Papers
, vol. XIV, pp. 110-16, at pp. 114-15.
72
Peter D. G. Thomas,
Revolution in America: Britain and the Colonies
,
1763-1776
(Cardiff, 1992), pp. 29, 37.
73
[Thomas Whately],
The Regulations Lately Made concerning the Colonies, and the Taxes Imposed upon Them, considered
(London, 1765), p. 109.
74
For an important study which deals with divine-right monarchy and representative democracy as equally ‘ictions’, see Edmund S. Morgan,
Inventing the People: The Rise of Popular Sovereignty in England and America
(New York, 1988).
75
[Cobbett (ed.)],
Parliamentary History
, vol. XVI, col. 100.
76
Sir Lewis Namier and John Brooke (eds),
The History of Parliament: The House of Commons 1754-1790
, 3 vols (London, 1964), vol. I, pp. 366, 419.
77
[Paine],
Common Sense
, p. 30.
78
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire,
pp. 335-41.
79
Julian P. Boyd,
Anglo-American Union: Joseph Galloway’s Plans to Preserve the British Empire 1774-1788
(Philadelphia, 1941), pp. 34-8.
80
Galloway, in Edmund C. Burnett (ed.),
Letters of Members of the Continental Congress
, 8 vols (Washington, 1921-36), vol. I, p. 59.
81
For the Commons debate on North’s proposal on 20 February 1775, see [Cobbett (ed.)],
Parliamentary History
, vol. XVIII, col. 320.
82
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire,
pp. 367-78.
83
Josiah Tucker,
The true Interest of Great Britain set forth in regard to the Colonies in idem, Four Tracts, together with Two Sermons, On Political and Commercial Subjects
(Gloucester, 1774), p. 195.
84
W. Paul Adams, ‘Republicanism in Political Rhetoric before 1776’,
Political Science Quarterly
, 85 (1970), pp. 397-421. In
Rights of Man
, part II (1792), Paine was to record an astonishing vagueness about just what republicanism meant.
85
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire,
pp. 160-1. Such measures may have formed part of Charles Townshend’s programme in the late 1760s (
ibid
., pp. 241-8); by then it was, perhaps, too little and too late.
86
Ibid
., p. 304; Bernard Bailyn,
The Ordeal of Thomas Hutchinson
(Cambridge, Mass., 1974), pp. 212-20.
87
Tony Hayter,
The Army and the Crowd in Mid-Georgian
England (London, 1978); Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, p. 322.
88
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, pp. 261-3, 322.
89
Ibid
., pp. 265-6.
90
Ibid
., p. 289.
91
John Shy,
Toward Lexington: The Role of the British Army in the Coming of the American Revolution
(Princeton, 1965), pp. 52-68, 82-3.
92
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, p. 88.
93
Shy,
Toward Lexington
, pp. 142-3.
94
Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, p. 359.
95
Jeremy Black,
War for America: The Fight for Independence 1775-1783
(London, 1991), pp. 24-7.
96
Ibid
., pp. 14-15 and
passim
.
97
Ibid
., p. 23.
98
Shy,
Toward Lexington
, p. viii.
99
[Galloway],
Letters to a Nobleman
, p. 36.
100
Black,
War for America
, p. 249.
101
William Gordon,
The History of the Rise, Progress, and Establishment of the Independence of the United States of America
, 4 vols (London, 1788), vol. II, pp. 568-9.
102
Lester H. Cohen,
The Revolutionary Histories: Contemporary Narratives of the American Revolution
(Ithaca, NY, 1980), pp. 58-60, 67, 71-85. ‘The historians thus preserved the ideological and cultural values traditionally associated with providence even as they rejected providence as an explanatory concept,’ p. 82.
103
Ibid
., p. 83.
104
Ibid
., p. 185.
105
Ibid
., p. 119.
106
For the Indian question, see Tucker and Hendrickson,
Fall of the First British Empire
, pp. 87-95.
107
Benjamin Quarles, ‘Lord Dunmore as Liberator’,
William and Mary Quarterly
, 15 (1958), pp. 494-507.
108
Sidney Kaplan, ‘The “Domestic Insurrections” of the Declaration of Independence’,
Journal of Negro History
, 61 (1976), pp. 243-55; Sidney Kaplan and Emma Nogrady Kaplan,
The Black Presence in the Era of the American Revolution
(revised edn, Amherst, Mass., 1989).
109
Anne-Robert Jacques Turgot,
Mémoire sur les colonies américaines
(Paris, 1791), quoted in Anthony Pagden,
Lords of All the World: Ideologies of Empire in Spain, Britain and France c. 1500-c. 1800
(New Haven, 1995), p. 192.
110
I take this to be a central theme of a courageously innovative work, Raphael Samuel,
Theatres of Memory
(London, 1994).
111
W. B. Gallie,
Philosophy and the Historical Understanding
(2nd edn, New York, 1964), pp. 40-1, 72, 87-91, 125.
112
The tension between the counterfactual and the contingent is present in much recent historical writing which seeks to dissolve the old teleologies, and it is a tension as yet unresolved either in historical method or in the substance of the historical story.
THREE: BRITISH IRELAND
1
Hansard
, 5th ser., vol. XXXVII, col. 1721 (16 April 1912).
2
See, for example, Alan J. Ward,
The Irish Constitutional Tradition: Responsible Government and Modern Ireland
,
1782-1992
(Dublin, 1994), pp. 30-8. See also R. B. McDowell,
The Irish Administration
,
1801-1914
(London, 1964). For a succinct examination of the constitutional differences between Britain and Ireland see Lord Crewe’s comments,
Hansard
, House of Lords, 5th ser., vol. XIII, col. 423 (27 January 1913).
3
For the prehistory of the Act of Union see James Kelly, ‘The Origins of the Act of Union: An Examination of Unionist Opinion in Britain and Ireland, 1650-1800’,
Irish Historical Studies
, 25 (May 1987), pp. 236-63. For the passage of the measure see G. C. Bolton,
The Passing of the Irish Act of Union
(Oxford, 1966).
4
There is a substantial literature on Irish nationalism. See, in particular, Tom Garvin,
The Evolution of Irish Nationalist Politics
(Dublin, 1981);
idem, Nationalist Revolutionaries in Ireland, 1858-1928
(Dublin, 1987); D. George Boyce,
Nationalism in Ireland
(2nd edn, London, 1991).
5
For a brilliant reflection on this theme see R. F. Foster,
The Story of Ireland: An Inaugural Lecture Delivered before the University of Oxford on 1 December 1994
(Oxford, 1995).
6
Elie Kedourie,
Nationalism
(4th edn, Oxford, 1993).
7
For an introduction to recent scholarship on Daniel O’Connell see Oliver Macdonagh,
O‘Connell: The Life of Daniel O’Connell, 1775-1847
(London, 1991).
8
The only monograph devoted to Butt’s career and achievement is David Thornley,
Isaac Butt and Home Rule
(London, 1964). For a stimulating analysis of Irish nationalist politics in this period see R. V. Comerford,
The Fenians in Context
(Dublin, 1985).
9
The best short introduction to Parnell’s career is Paul Bew,
C. S. Parnell
(Dublin, 1980).
10
Alvin Jackson,
The Ulster Party: Irish Unionists in the House of Commons, 1884-1911
(Oxford, 1989), p. 52. For Irish Unionism in this period see also Patrick Buckland,
Irish Unionism I: The Anglo-Irish and the New Ireland
, 1885-1922 (Dublin, 1972); Patrick Buckland,
Irish Unionism II: Ulster Unionism and the Origins of Northern Ireland, 1886-1922
(Dublin, 1973); Alvin Jackson,
Colonel Edward Saunderson: Land and Loyalty in Victorian Ireland
(Oxford, 1995).
11
Bew,
Parnell,
pp. 127-32.
12
H. C. G. Matthew (ed.),
The Gladstone Diaries
, 14 vols (Oxford, 1968-94), vol. XII, pp. xxxvi-xli.
13
James Loughlin,
Gladstone, Home Rule and the Ulster Question, 1882-1893
(Dublin, 1986), pp. 172-96.
14
One of the theses proffered in A. B. Cooke and John Vincent,
The Governing Passion: Cabinet Government and Party Politics in Britain
,
1885-6
(Brighton, 1974).
15
Ward,
Irish Constitutional Tradition
, p. 60.
16
See, for example, Lord Welby, ‘Irish Finance’, in J. H. Morgan (ed.),
The New Irish Constitution: An Exposition and Some Arguments
(London, 1912), p. 154.
17
R. F. Foster,
Lord Randolph Churchill: A Political Life
(Oxford, 1981), p. 225; Bew,
Parnell,
pp. 72-3.

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