Patrick McLanahan Collection #1 (161 page)

“Enough to defeat the Revolutionary Guards? I don't think so,” Director of Central Intelligence Gerald Vista said.

“It's another important factor in the array of forces opposing the Pasdaran and the theocratic regime…” McLanahan said.

“And it could be another complicating factor too, McLanahan,” Vista pointed out. “There's absolutely no indication whatsoever that the military would accept another monarchy—especially a Qagev, a dynasty that was bloodlessly overthrown almost eighty years ago. Recent surveys indicate that only 30 percent of the population might accept another monarchy.”

“I'm familiar with those polls—they were taken either in secret during the current regime, or the respondents were Iranian expatriates,” Patrick said. “It's not representative…”

“We're not going to base our foreign policy or military response on surveys and polls, Patrick,” Maureen commented.

“I agree, ma'am,” Patrick said. “Nevertheless, the monarchists are viable, organized, well-funded, and on the move, and the regular army still hasn't supported the Pasdaran's efforts to shut down Buzhazi's insurgency. We should make every attempt to support any uprisings in Iran.”

“Now you want to support this Azar Qagev instead of Buzhazi?” the President asked. “Which is it, Patrick?”

“Both, sir,” Patrick said. “We support both insurgencies and we try to steer the outcome in our favor.”

“Which is what?” Gardner interjected. “A military junta led by Buzhazi, who at one time was one of the biggest Islamist enforcers of them all? Another monarchy that lavishes itself with palaces and gold while repressing their people?”

“Neither, Mr. Secretary,” Patrick said. “As flawed as we believe it is, Iran is a democracy, and an overwhelming majority of the people want a democracy. Frankly, I don't think it matters if the people rally behind a general that uses his power to destroy the Pasdaran and strip the theocrats from their grip on the government, or a historical monarchy that brought that country into the twentieth century and made it an important Western ally. What we care about is that Iran becomes a stable, open, representative society, able to defend itself and its government against hostile and repressive forces.” He looked at each one of the presidential advisers, then said, “Or we can just pull our guys out, then sit back and simply watch what happens next.”

Most of the advisers and Cabinet officials shook their heads at Patrick's speech-making but fell silent and looked at the President, not offering any more arguments. The President looked at them knowingly. He knew that McLanahan's arguments made sense to them—they were just miffed that McLanahan was making them.

Secretary of State Carson's computer terminal beeped, and she scrolled through the messages. “Response from the Iranian government through the Swiss embassy, sir,” she said as she read. “Looks like it might be going out over the news wires and Middle East news outlets soon too.”

The President could see the consternation growing on her face. “What did they say, Mary?”

“They say, ‘The Iranian Revolutionary Guards have captured a spy that killed several of their embassy staff just outside Ashkhabad, Turkmenistan, who were out on cooperative security maneuver exercises with their Turkmeni counterparts,” Carson read. “‘The Americans have claimed responsibility for the attacks, making President Martindale completely and personally liable for the murders. The captured spy and other evidence recovered at the scene of the murders is being held and analyzed for the upcoming trial.”

“Bastards,” the President muttered.

“The message further states, ‘The Iranian government believes
that the American military spy was assisting anti-Iranian terrorist and insurgent forces to illegally infiltrate into Iran, recruit and train anti-government rebel forces, attack Iranian military, civilian, and government targets, work with the insurgents to disrupt or destroy the democratically elected government, and attack Muslim holy sites and supply centers that help the poor and underprivileged, such as what occurred in Qom and Arān,'” Carson went on. “‘The Iranian government condemns this irrational and unprovoked hostile action, and it calls upon the peaceful law-abiding nations of the world to join the Islamic Republic in indicting the United States and President Martindale for committing these atrocious acts.

“‘If the United States continues its illegal covert war, sends military forces within striking range of Iran, sends spy planes, spacecraft, space weapons, military space platforms, and satellites over our territory to pick targets to strike, or continues to foment and support terrorist and separatist actions, the Islamic Republic of Iran has no choice but to retaliate massively and with all means available at a time and place of our choosing against the United States and all of its allies, supporters, client states, and interests around the world.' There is a bunch of religious citations and the usual call for all devout and loyal Muslims to holy war against America, Israel, and anyone aligned with us. End of message.”

“Carl, get General Lewars in here and let's draft up a statement for immediate release to the press,” the President said. Chief of staff Minden was already on the phone to the rest of his people. “Let's schedule a meeting with the leadership and we'll get them briefed up too. Mary and I will field the calls from overseas that I expect will start coming in…”

The computer on the President's desk beeped, and he glanced at the display. “First up, President Zevitin of Russia,” he said resignedly. Since the American Holocaust, President Martindale had a policy of always taking calls that came directly from a handful of world leaders, and President Leonid Zevitin of Russia was one of them. Martindale got along with Zevitin and usually had productive and open talks with him, but he was dreading this call.

Zevitin, one of the youngest presidents of Russia at age forty-nine, was the second president of Russia since the American Holocaust just four years ago. He didn't come from the Party apparatus, government, or the military, but from Russia's rapidly growing oil, gas, and nuclear energy industry. He was educated in America and Britain and headed several large multinational energy companies in postings around the world before being chosen to head Russia's energy ministry. His wealth, good looks, charm, and international presence made him popular in Russia as well as around the world, and when the interim military president of Russia suddenly died at the surprisingly young age of sixty-one, Zevitin was elected president in a landslide.

President Martindale scanned his computer display briefly. Every phone call prompted an automatic page on the computer that offered interesting and sometimes extremely useful and insightful information pertinent to the caller: as well as verifying the caller's identity and origin, it gave the local time, weather, some headlines, facts on the caller's family's names—Zevitin had never been married—recent decisions and legislation supported or rejected by the caller, recent decisions made by the President regarding the caller, and names of the caller's key advisers and their recent activities. He picked up the phone, and the other advisers in the room picked up theirs so they could listen in. “Mr. President, this is President Martindale, how are you today, sir?”

“Very well, very well, Mr. President,” Zevitin replied in very good English with a curious mix of Russian, American, and English accents. “Thank you for taking my call.”

“Not at all, Leonid,” Martindale responded, hoping that using the Russian president's first name would signal an end to their use of titles. “My national security advisers are listening in as well; I hope that's all right with you.”

“It is, sir, and thank you for so advising me,” Zevitin said. “Unfortunately for me, there is only my dog Sashi with me tonight.”

That was contrary to the usual rumors concerning the playboy
antics of the Russian president, but Martindale didn't feel like calling him on it. “How can I be of service today?”

“I'm calling about the incident in Ashkhabad, Mr. President,” Zevitin said. Damn, the President thought, he's keeping with the titles—this was not a good sign. “I was advised of it through our embassy there. First of all, I want to say I'm sorry for the loss of your men.”

“Thank you, Leonid. Which embassy told you of this incident—the Turkmeni or the Iranian embassy?”

There was a very slight pause; then: “Both, actually,” he replied. “We also received the general notice from Iran a short time ago. I expect the Iranians to release your man right away, and if you go to the United Nations about it, Russia will join you in calling for the body to be released immediately. The incident happened on Turkmeni soil, not Iranian. They have no right to do what they did.”

“We'll go to the United Nations as a matter of routine and diplomatic protocol, Leonid,” the President said, “but we'll send a message directly to the Iranian government through the Swiss embassy informing them that they have created a serious and dangerous international incident, bordering on an act of war, and that we demand the immediate return of our man and all his equipment and supplies taken in Turkmenistan. If we don't receive them within twenty-four hours of notification, we'll take all steps necessary to recover them.”

“Mr. President, I strongly urge you to play this one carefully and quietly,” Zevitin said. “There is a major societal upheaval going on right now in Iran. Most of the government has been wiped out—murdered—by this nutcase Buzhazi. The Revolutionary Guards are being spurred on by the surviving ultraconservative theocrats that must crack down on the insurgency or find themselves either blown up by insurgents, crushed by the army, or rejected by the people. They'll toss law, civil rights, and basic human decency out the window to save their own hides.”

“Leonid, I wouldn't be sad to see the end of the theocracy if it meant a more moderate Iran,” the President said. “What they do
to their own people is none of my concern. If they cooperate with us and give us the property they stole while in Turkmenistan, we'd be happy to step aside and let events in Iran take their course.”

“Then you would not interfere with further events in Iran if you got your man and your property back?”

“Leonid, I'm not going to tie future events in with the current crisis. Iran has to return our man they murdered and the property they stole…period. I have no other quarrels with Iran presently.”

“Then why the attack on Iran's missiles recently, Mr. President?” Zevitin asked. “We know you have sent your secret Dreamland spaceplanes over Iran at least twice and perhaps more than that; we detected an object being launched by the first spaceplane that could have easily been an orbital or suborbital weapon that could have struck inside Iran. The second spaceplane you flew right over Russia without asking permission or even notifying us ahead of time.”

“That was an error, Leonid, and we acknowledged that and apologized…”

“I know, I know, Mr. President, and I'm not going to dwell on it,” Zevitin said in a surprisingly conciliatory tone. “I would like you to punish the officer that sent that craft over our country…General Patrick McLanahan, no doubt.” The President said nothing, only glanced at Patrick. “But that can wait for another day.

“We also know that you have sent several micro-satellites into orbits to cover Iran and have even moved your Armstrong Space Station into a sun-synchronous orbit in order to carefully surveille Iran at specific times of day,” Zevitin went on. “And we have recently received reports that several of your stealth warplanes have been moved to Diego Garcia, just a few hours' flying time from Iran. It looks like preparation for an invasion to me, Mr. President.”

“We have to forward-deploy many of our strategic air assets because our numbers have been almost eliminated,” Martindale pointed out.

“It pains me that you bring that up, Kevin,” Zevitin said, and he really sounded as if he meant it too. Five years earlier, General Anatoliy Gryzlov, the former chief of staff of the Russian military, successfully overthrew the elected Russian government and began a large-scale buildup of the Russian military. When Patrick McLanahan and the Air Battle Force preempted a Russian invasion of Turkmenistan's vast oil and natural gas fields, Gryzlov responded by attacking American air and ground-launched intercontinental ballistic missile sites and bomber bases with nuclear cruise missiles. Over thirty thousand Americans died and another seventy thousand injured in what became known as the “American Holocaust.”

“President Gryzlov acted irresponsibly and foolishly, and I have denounced and condemned his actions in each and every venue that opportunity affords,” Zevitin went on. “But you can well understand our concern as we watch these moves, sir: they appear to be directed toward an invasion of Iran to support a takeover of the legitimately elected government by force of arms.

“And we also know that most of your remaining stealth warplanes are commanded by General McLanahan,” Zevitin continued. “Frankly, Mr. President, Russia considers McLanahan to be quite dangerous, and any time we think he may be involved in some conflict or action, we expect and must prepare for the worst. We're surprised he is still an integral part of your pool of military advisers, and he is considered a highly destabilizing element—on a par with Gryzlov himself.”

“Let's get back to the issue of Iran, Leonid,” Martindale said. “I'll acknowledge to you that the United States is keeping a careful watch over events in Iran, not because we want or support a violent overthrow of the government, but because Buzhazi's actions or the reactions of the Revolutionary Guards could cause a ripple effect of violence throughout the entire region. We certainly retain the right to set up surveillance of any nation we fear could harm America's interests and to forward-deploy all necessary assets to try to halt any spread of violence.”