The essential writings of Machiavelli (39 page)

Selections from
F
LORENTINE
H
ISTORIES

Machiavelli’s final major work was written in the last few years of his life. In 1520, after eight years of exclusion from politics and living in impoverishment on his farm, Machiavelli was offered the post of historiographer of Florence by Cardinal Giulio de’ Medici, who in 1523 was to become Pope Clement VII The contract Giulio de’ Medici offered Machiavelli specified that it would be left up to Machiavelli to choose whether this work
—“annalia et cronacas fiorentinas”—
would be written in Latin or the “Tuscan tongue.” Machiavelli chose the elegant and modern Tuscan Italian in which he had written
The Prince, The Discourses,
and his graceful works of prose and poetry
.

In
Florentine Histories,
Machiavelli, who for much of his life had been a sophisticated Florentine diplomat, could not refrain from producing a daring and at times highly critical rendition of Florence’s history, much of which had been stamped by the Medici, who had been extremely hostile to him. But Giulio de’ Medici
—
Pope Clement VII
—
to whom the book was dedicated, was a Renaissance prince and patron of the arts, and was pleased with this work
.

P
REFACE

When I first decided to write down the deeds of the people of Florence within their city and without, it was my intention to begin my narration in the year of our Lord 1434, when the Medici family, through the qualities of Cosimo and his father Giovanni, achieved power beyond that of any other family in Florence. I resolved to begin in 1434 because two excellent historians, Messer Leonardo d’Arezzo and Messer Poggio,
¹
had narrated in great detail all the events that took place before that date. I read their histories diligently in order to ascertain the modes and methods they followed, so that by imitating them my own histories would meet with greater acceptance among readers. I noted that in their descriptions of all the wars waged by the Florentines against foreign princes and peoples, Messer Leonardo d’Arezzo and Messer Poggio were most diligent, but when it came to civil disorders and internal enmities and the effects these had, they were either entirely silent or described them so briefly that readers could derive no use or pleasure from them. I surmise the reason for this could only have been that these historians judged these events to be so negligible that they thought them unworthy of being recorded for posterity or that they feared that the descendants of those they would have had to criticize in their narration might be offended. Both reasons, however, seem to me entirely unworthy of great men (may their souls rest in peace), for if anything in a history delights and instructs, it is that which is described in detail. If no other lesson is useful to citizens who govern republics, then it is the lesson that reveals the reasons for the hatreds and divisions within a city, so that the citizens who govern can gain wisdom from the perils of others and choose to remain united. If every example of the workings of a republic can affect readers, then readers encountering examples of the workings of their own republic will be affected even more and derive more benefit. And if divisions in any republic have been momentous, those in Florence were momentous indeed. Most republics of which we know were content with a single division which, depending on circumstances, either furthered or destroyed the republic; but Florence, not content with a single division, has had many. In Rome, as everybody knows, after the kings were expelled a division between the nobles and the plebeians ensued, and this division preserved Rome until its ruin.
²
The same was true of Athens and the other republics that flourished in the past. But in Florence there was first a division among the nobles themselves, then a division between the nobles and the populace, and finally a division between the populace and the plebeians. It often happened that whatever faction gained the upper hand proceeded to split in two. These divisions resulted in more citizens being killed and exiled, and more families destroyed, than in any other city in history. And truly, in my view no other example shows as effectively the power of Florence as the example of these divisions, which would have been powerful enough to destroy any other great and illustrious city
³
But our city only seemed to become even greater, as the skill of the Florentines and the strength of their wit and spirit enabled them to make themselves and their city great, so that those who remained free from evil influence had more chance to exalt Florence than the dire circumstances the city faced had to diminish her and crush her. Should Florence, after freeing herself from the Holy Roman Empire, have been fortunate enough to adopt a form of government that would have maintained her united, I cannot think of a modern or ancient republic that could have been superior to her;
⁴
she would have had a skill in productivity and arms beyond compare. Even after Florence had expelled the Ghibellines in such numbers that Tuscany and Lombardy were filled with them,
⁵
the Guelphs, along with those who remained in Florence, still managed to draw from the city twelve hundred men at arms and twelve thousand infantry in the war against Arezzo a year before the Battle of Campaldino.
⁶
And in the war against Duke Filippo Visconti of Milan, when Florence had to make use of her riches and not her own weakened army, the Florentines spent three and a half million florins in the five years that the war lasted. When that war was over, not content with peace, the Florentines marched on Lucca to give more evidence of their city’s power.
⁷

I cannot imagine why these divisions should not merit being described in detail. If our most noble historians refrained from such descriptions so as not to offend the memory of those whose actions they had to assess, they were mistaken, and showed little understanding of the ambition of men and their desire to perpetuate their own names and those of their ancestors. It also escaped them that many who did not have the opportunity to achieve fame through some laudable deed strove to achieve it by contemptible means. Nor did they consider how actions that have greatness in them, like the actions of governments and states, however they are considered or whatever aim they have, seem to bestow on men more honor than blame.

Having given thought to these matters, I changed my original plan and decided to start my history from our city’s beginnings. But as it is not my intention to tread where others have trod, I shall describe in detail only those incidents that occurred within the city up to 1434. Of incidents outside the city I shall report only what is necessary for a better understanding of what occurred within it. Beyond 1434, I shall write in detail about both. Furthermore, so that this history can be better understood in all its periods, before I come to Florence I shall describe by what means Italy came to be under the powers that governed it in those times. […]

BOOK II
25

Uguccione della Faggiuola became lord of Pisa and soon thereafter of Lucca, where he was installed by the Ghibelline faction.
⁸
With the backing of Pisa and Lucca he did serious harm to the neighboring cities, and to escape this threat the Florentines asked King Roberto to send his brother Piero to take command of their armies.
⁹
Uguccione, in the meantime, relentlessly continued to increase his power, and through force and deceit seized many fortresses in the Valdarno and the Val di Nievole. But when he besieged Montecatini, the Florentines concluded that they had to come to its aid, otherwise Uguccione’s rage would wreak havoc on all their lands. They gathered a large army and entered the Val di Nievole, where they encountered Uguccione and were routed after a great battle. King Roberto’s brother Piero was killed—his body was never recovered—and with him more than two thousand men perished. But the victory was not a happy one for Uguccione either, for one of his sons was slain, as were many of his commanders.

After this rout the Florentines fortified the towns of their territories, and King Roberto sent them as general for their army Count d’Andria, known as Count Novello.
¹⁰
Either because of the count’s behavior, or because Florentines tend to find every government irksome and every incident divisive, the city, despite the war with Uguccione, split into friends and enemies of the king. The leaders of the king’s enemies in Florence were Simone della Tosa, the Magalotti, and some other powerful men, members of the populace, in all outnumbering their opponents in government. They sent to France and then Germany to seek leaders and forces to drive out the count whom the king had appointed governor, but Fortune was against them. All the same, they did not abandon their enterprise, and though they did not find a leader in France or Germany they could look up to, they found one in Gubbio,
¹¹
and, expelling Count Novello, brought Lando da Gubbio as chief magistrate to Florence and gave him absolute authority over her citizens.

Lando da Gubbio was a rapacious and cruel man who went about town with a large armed guard, putting this or that man to death at the will of those who had elected him. His arrogance reached such heights that he used the Florentine stamp to coin false money without anyone daring to oppose him: That was how powerful the discord in Florence had made him! A truly great and miserable city, which neither the memory of past divisions, nor the fear of Uguccione, nor the authority of a king could keep stable, Florence now found itself in a terrible state, plundered from without by Uguccione, and from within by Lando da Gubbio.

The friends of King Roberto and all who opposed Lando and his followers were Guelphs, mostly nobles and powerful men of the populace. Nevertheless, as their adversaries were in control of the state, they could not reveal themselves without putting themselves in grave danger. They were, however, determined to break free from Lando’s reprehensible tyranny, and secretly wrote to King Roberto asking him to appoint Count Guido da Battifolle as his governor in Florence. The king immediately made the arrangements, and the enemy party, even though the Signori
¹²
were against the king, did not dare oppose the count owing to his fine qualities. Nevertheless, he did not have much authority, because the Signori and the Gonfalonieri of the companies
¹³
favored Lando and his party.

While Florence was in the midst of these troubles, the daughter of King Albert of Germany arrived on her way to meet her husband Carlo, the son of King Roberto of Naples.
¹⁴
She was welcomed with great honor by supporters of King Roberto, who complained to her of the dire state Florence was in and of the tyranny of Lando and his partisans. Through her influence and the assistance of the king, the citizens united, and Lando was stripped of his office and sent back to Gubbio, weighed down with plunder and blood. With the change in government King Roberto kept sovereignty over the city for another three years, and as seven Signori of Lando’s faction had already been elected, six more were elected from among the king’s faction. There followed some magistracies made up of thirteen Signori, after which their number reverted back to seven, which it had always been previously.

26

It was during this time that Uguccione was stripped of the sovereignty of Lucca, and Pisa, and Castruccio Castracani, from being citizen of Lucca became lord of Lucca.
¹⁵
As Castruccio was young, bold, and fierce, and fortunate in his campaigns, in a very short time he became prince of the Ghibellines in Tuscany. The Florentines now put aside their civil discords for several years, and initially concentrated on how they might keep Castruccio’s increasing power in check, and then, when his power increased despite their efforts, how they might best defend themselves. So that the Signori could deliberate with broader advice and carry out their decisions more efficiently, they appointed twelve citizens called
Buoni Uomini
—“Good Men”—without whose counsel and consent the Signori could not act on anything of importance.

The period of King Roberto’s sovereignty over Florence ended, and the city became its own lord again. It reorganized itself with its customary rectors and magistrates, its great fear of Castruccio keeping it united. Castruccio, after his campaigns against the lords of Lunigiana, attacked Prato. Florence was determined to come to Prato’s aid, and the Florentines closed their shops, armed the populace, and marched to Prato with twenty thousand foot soldiers and fifteen hundred horsemen. In order to reduce Castruccio’s forces and enlarge their own, the Florentine Signori decreed that every exiled rebel of the Guelph faction who came to the aid of Prato would be allowed to return to Florence after the campaign. As a result, more than four thousand rebels came over to their side. This great army marched on Prato with such speed that Castruccio was alarmed enough to retreat to Lucca without putting Fortune to the test in battle. In the Florentine camp this sparked a dispute between the nobles and the populace, the latter wanting to pursue Castruccio and destroy him, while the nobles wanted to return home. They argued that it was enough that they had put Florence in peril in order to free Prato: They had been compelled by necessity to fight, but as that was no longer the case, it was not worth tempting Fortune when they stood to lose so much and gain so little. As the two factions were not able to agree, the judgment was referred to the Signori, who found the same disparity between the nobles and the populace in their council. This news spread through the city, drawing great crowds to the town squares, shouting such threats against the nobles that they yielded out of fear. As this resolution was adopted too late, and grudgingly by many, Castruccio had ample time to withdraw safely to Lucca.

27

This turmoil made the populace so indignant against the nobles that the Signori were now unwilling to honor the promise of repatriation they had made to the exiles at the nobles’ suggestion. The exiles sensed this, and decided to preempt the Signori by marching at the head of the returning army, so that they would be the first to arrive at the gates of Florence. But as their action was foreseen, their plan did not succeed, and they were repulsed by those who had remained at home. The exiles now tried to obtain by negotiation what they had failed to obtain by force, and sent eight men as emissaries to remind the Signori of the promise that had been made to them and of the dangers they had submitted themselves to in the hope of the promised reward. The Florentine nobles felt bound by the promise which the Signori had made to the exiles and exerted themselves in favor of their repatriation, but the anger of the people was so great, since the campaign against Castruccio had not been won in the way they had wanted, that they refused to acquiesce. This resulted in humiliation and dishonor for the city. Many nobles were angered, and tried to obtain by force what had been denied by negotiation. They made arrangements with the exiles for them to enter Florence armed, and the faction of the nobles inside the city would take up arms to aid them. But the plot was discovered before the designated day, so that the exiles found the city armed against them, intending to halt the exiles outside and to intimidate their allies inside. Thus the idea of repatriation was abandoned, and the exiles left.

After their departure, it was decided to punish those responsible for bringing them to the city in the first place. Everyone knew who the culprits were, but no one dared name them, still less accuse them. It was therefore decided that the best method would be for everyone in the councils to write down the names of the culprits and present them secretly to the chief of the militia. Thus Amerigo Donati, Messer Teghiaio Frescobaldi, and Messer Lotteringo Gherardini were accused. But the judge sentencing them was more favorably disposed toward them than their offenses might have merited, and they were only given fines.

29

It was the year 1325. After occupying Pistoia, Castruccio had become so powerful that the Florentines, fearing his strength, were determined to attack and remove him from Pistoia before he could secure his position there. From their citizens and allies they gathered an army of twenty thousand foot soldiers and three thousand horsemen and besieged nearby Altopascio, with a view to occupying it and thus preventing it from coming to the aid of Pistoia. Once the Florentines had taken Altopascio, they marched on Lucca, laying waste to all the land, but did not make much progress because of their general’s lack of prudence and even greater lack of loyalty.

The Florentine general was Messer Ramondo di Cardona. He had witnessed how quick the Florentines had been to relinquish their liberty, placing it first in the hands of the king of Naples, then of the legates, and then of men of inferior quality. He thought that if he put Florence in a difficult position, he might easily be made its prince. He in fact mentioned this frequently, and demanded that he be given the same authority over Florence that he had been given over the army; otherwise, he argued, he would not have the kind of obedience a general needed. But the Florentines did not consent, and he began wasting time while Castruccio gained it, as the latter was now able to receive the aid that Visconti and other tyrants of Lombardy had promised him. Messer Ramondo di Cardona had a superior army, but through lack of loyalty he did not know how to win, and through lack of prudence did not know how to escape. He proceeded slowly with his army, and Castruccio attacked him near Altopascio, defeating him after a great battle. Many Florentine citizens were killed or taken prisoner, among them Messer Ramondo, who received from Fortune the kind of punishment he would have deserved from the Florentines for his falseness and bad counsel.
¹⁶

The harm that Castruccio wrought on the Florentines after his victorious battle, in plunder, prisoners, destruction, and fire, cannot be described. He rode through Florentine territory for many months, marauding without opposition. After such a defeat the Florentines were happy enough to save their city.

30

The Florentines, however, had not become so wretched that they were not able to raise large sums of money, hire soldiers, and send to their allies for help. But nothing they could do on their own would be sufficient to check an enemy as powerful as Castruccio, so they were forced to nominate as their lord Duke Carlo of Calabria, the son of King Roberto of Naples, if they wanted him to come to their defense: For as the d’Anjou family was accustomed to rule Florence, they preferred her obedience to her friendship. Duke Carlo, however, was engaged in the wars of Sicily and unable to assume control of the city. So he sent a Frenchman, Duke Walter of Athens,
¹⁷
who took possession of Florence as Carlo’s governor, appointing the magistrates he liked. Contrary to his true nature his demeanor was modest, and hence he was liked by all.