The essential writings of Machiavelli (40 page)

When the wars of Sicily were over, Duke Carlo came to Florence with a thousand horsemen, riding into the city in July of the year 1326. His arrival finally prevented Castruccio from pillaging the Florentine countryside as he pleased, but the grand reputation Duke Carlo had acquired outside Florence was quickly lost within it, and whatever ravages the enemy had not wrought were now inflicted by friends, for the Signori could not do anything without the consent of the duke. Within a year he had drawn four hundred thousand florins from the city, even though the agreement had been that the sum would not exceed twenty thousand. So great were the burdens with which the duke or his father encumbered the city every day.

To these troubles were added new suspicions and new enemies, because the Ghibellines of Lombardy became so wary of Duke Carlo’s presence in Tuscany that Galeazzo Visconti and the other Lombard tyrants turned to Louis of Bavaria, who had been elected Holy Roman Emperor against the wishes of the pope. With money and promises they persuaded Louis to come to Italy, and he entered Lombardy, from there proceeding to Tuscany, where, with the help of Castruccio, he took Pisa. Replenished with great sums of money, Louis then marched to Rome. At this, Duke Carlo, fearing for the Kingdom of Naples, left Florence, appointing Filippo da Saggineto as his governor.

After the departure of the Holy Roman Emperor, Castruccio took over Pisa, but the Florentines managed to negotiate a deal in which they took Pistoia from him. Castruccio then besieged Pistoia, and persisted with such skill and obstinacy that even though the Florentines tried many times to aid Pistoia by attacking first his army and then his territories, they did not manage either by force or diligence to deter him: Such was Castruccio’s passion to punish the Pistoians and to trounce the Florentines, until the Pistoians were forced to receive him as their lord. Though this campaign brought Castruccio immeasurable glory, it also utterly exhausted him, so that upon returning to Lucca he died. And as Fortune will almost invariably complement a good or an evil with another good or evil, Duke Carlo of Calabria, the lord of Florence, died in Naples, so that within a short time, beyond the Florentines’ every expectation, they found themselves liberated from the control of the one and the terror of the other. Now that they were free, they reformed their city and annulled the system of the old councils, creating two new ones: one made up of three hundred citizens from the populace, the other of two hundred and fifty nobles and citizens from the populace. The first they called the Council of the People, the second the Council of the Commune.

BOOK III
1

The serious enmity between the populace and the nobles, which arises from the desire of the nobles to command and that of the populace not to obey, is the cause of all the evils that occur in a city
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It is this diversity of humors which feeds everything that throws republics into turmoil. It kept Rome disunited, and, if one may compare lesser things with greater, it is what kept Florence divided, even though the results were different in the two cities: In Rome the divisions that initially existed between the nobles and the populace were settled by debate, while in Florence they were settled by combat. The enmity between the two factions in Rome ended in new laws, while that in Florence ended in the banishment and death of many citizens. The enmity within Rome invariably increased her military skill, while that within Florence was crushed by its opposing factions. The divisions in Rome led from a state of equality among its citizens to a momentous inequality, those in Florence from a state of inequality to an admirable equality. This diversity of effects must have sprung from the different aims of the two peoples. While the populace of Rome strove to enjoy the supreme honors together with the nobles, the populace of Florence fought to govern Florence on its own without the participation of the nobles. As the desire of the Roman populace was more reasonable, the nobles came to see the populace’s assaults as more bearable, and ceded easily, without taking up arms. Consequently, after some disputes and debates, populace and nobles came together to produce a law that satisfied the former and allowed the latter to keep their status. In contrast, the desires of the Florentine populace were harmful and unjust, so that the nobility prepared itself for its defense with greater forces, the result being bloodshed and the exile of citizens. The laws that were consequently enacted were not for the common good, but entirely in favor of the victor.

As a result of the victories of the populace, the city of Rome became more adept and expert. Because the populace could serve along with the nobles in the administration of the magistracies, the army, and the provinces, they could acquire the same skill as the nobles, and as the expertise of Rome grew, so did its might. But in Florence, when the populace was victorious, the nobility was deprived of magistracies, and if they wanted to regain them, it was necessary for the nobles not only to be like men of the populace in their behavior, spirit, and manner of living, but also to be seen to be like them. From this arose those changes in the coats of arms and the titles of families which the nobles adopted in order to seem part of the populace. Hence the military prowess and generosity of spirit that had resided in the nobility was extinguished, while it could not be rekindled in the populace since these qualities had never existed. So Florence became increasingly humble and wretched. But while in Rome the nobles’ skill turned into arrogance, so that Rome reached a point where it could not exist without a prince, Florence was in a position where a wise lawgiver could institute any form of government.

BOOK VII
33

[…] Cola Montano was a man of letters and great ambition who taught Latin to the foremost youths of Milan. Either from hatred of the ways of Galeazzo Maria Sforza, Duke of Milan, or for some other reason, he was always arguing how detestable life was under a bad prince, and how lucky were those whom Nature and Fortune had granted the privilege of being born and living in a republic. He claimed that all famous men had been raised in republics, not in principalities, because republics reared skilled men while principalities destroyed them. Republics drew advantage from a man’s skill, while principalities feared it.

The youths to whom Cola Montano was closest were Giovannandrea Lampognano, Carlo Visconti, and Girolamo Olgiato. He often discussed the duke’s evil nature with them, and the misfortune of those who were under his rule, and his confidence in these young men’s spirit and will grew so strong that he had them swear that once they were old enough, they would free their city from the tyranny of this prince. The young men were enthralled by the desire for freedom, which grew within them as the years passed. This desire was quickened by the duke’s evil deeds and the harm he did the young men and their families, making them all the more resolved to carry out the conspiracy. Duke Galeazzo was profligate and cruel, and the ample evidence he had given of this inspired the hatred of all. Not content with corrupting noble ladies, he also took pleasure in humiliating them in public, nor was he content with murdering men unless he could do so in some cruel fashion. The rumor followed him that he had killed his own mother, for it was said that he did not consider himself a ruler as long as she was alive. He comported himself in such a way that she withdrew to her residence in Cremona, which had been part of her dowry, but on her way there she was seized by a sudden illness and died. Many subsequently claimed that her son had had her killed. Duke Galeazzo had dishonored the women of Carlo’s and Girolamo’s families, and had refused to give Giovannandrea possession of the abbey of Miramondo, as the pontiff had assigned it to one of the duke’s close relatives instead.

These personal injuries fanned the young men’s desire for vengeance and for delivering their city from so many evils, and they hoped that if they succeeded in killing the duke they would be supported by much of the nobility and the entire populace. Determined to proceed with their plot, they often met together, which, since they were all old friends, did not arouse any suspicion. They discussed the matter in great detail, and to strengthen their spirit for the deed practiced striking each other in the side and the chest with the sheaths of the daggers they were intending to use. They debated the best time and place for the deed: The castle did not seem safe, a hunting expedition was uncertain and dangerous, and the duke’s strolls through the city seemed difficult, offering scant prospect for success, as did assassinating him at a banquet. The young men therefore decided to assassinate the duke at some public ceremony which he would definitely attend, and where they and their supporters could gather without arousing suspicion. They also decided that should one of them be seized or arrested for whatever reason, the others would draw their swords and kill the duke, even if they were surrounded by the duke’s armed guard.

34

The year 1476 was drawing to a close and the Christmas feast was approaching. On Saint Stephen’s Day the duke was accustomed to proceed with great pomp to the church of that martyred saint, and the conspirators decided that this would be the best moment to carry out their design. On the morning of the saint’s day they armed some of their most trusted friends and servants, announcing that they were going to the assistance of Giovannandrea, who wanted to build an aqueduct leading onto his estate against the wishes of some of his neighbors. They led their armed men to the church, alleging that they wished to request permission from the prince before setting out. Under various pretexts they also gathered together other friends and kinsmen at the church, hoping that when the deed was done everyone would follow them in the rest of their enterprise. Their aim, after the duke’s death, was to assemble their armed followers and march to those parts of the city where they believed they could easily incite the plebeians to take up arms against the duchess
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and the leaders of the state. The starving populace, they believed, would readily follow them, as they planned to allow them to plunder the houses of Messer Cecco Simonetta, Giovanni Botti, and Francesco Lucani, all leaders of the state, and in this way secure themselves and restore liberty to the populace.

The young men’s plan was fixed, and they were resolved to carry it out. Giovannandrea and the others went to the church early and heard Mass together, after which Giovannandrea turned to a statue of Saint Ambrose and said: “Patron of our city! You know our intention and what we are striving for with such great danger to ourselves. Favor our enterprise, and prove by your support of justice that you despise injustice!”

Meanwhile, as the duke was preparing to set out for the church, he encountered many omens of impending death. At daybreak, when he was dressing, he put on his cuirass as he often did, but then immediately took it off again, either because it was uncomfortable or because he did not like its appearance. He then decided to have Mass read at the castle instead, but found that his chaplain had left for the Church of Saint Stephen with all the sacral vessels. He then asked the Bishop of Como to celebrate the Mass instead, but the bishop was unable to. Consequently, it was almost as if the duke was being forced to go to the church. Before he left, he had his sons Giovangaleazzo and Ermes come to him, and embraced and kissed them many times, as if he could not part from them. But finally, having decided to go, he left the castle and walked to the church with the emissaries of Ferrara and Mantua on either side.

In the meantime, to excite less suspicion and escape the intense cold, the conspirators retired to the chamber of the archpriest, who was their friend, but on hearing the duke approach they returned to the church. Giovannandrea and Girolamo positioned themselves to the right of the entrance, Carlo to the left. Those preceding the duke had already entered and were then followed by the duke himself, who was surrounded by a great crowd, as was to be expected in a solemn ducal procession. The first to move were Lampognano and Girolamo, pretending to clear the way for the duke. Once they were close enough, they grasped the short sharp knives hidden in their sleeves and struck at him. Lampognano inflicted two wounds, one in the belly, the other in the throat; Girolamo also struck the duke in the throat and in the chest. Carlo Visconti was standing closer to the door, and as the duke had already passed by when the others attacked, Visconti could not wound him in front, but with two blows pierced his back and shoulder. These six wounds were so rapid and sudden that the duke fell to the ground before anyone realized what was happening—nor could the duke do or say anything, except call out a single time to the Virgin Mary for help.

With the duke on the ground a great commotion broke out: Swords were drawn, and as happens at unforeseen events, some ran from the church and others ran blindly toward the uproar without anyone knowing what was happening. Nevertheless, those closest to the duke who had seen him slain recognized the murderers and pursued them. Giovannandrea tried to push his way out of the church through the large crowd of women who were sitting on the floor, as was their practice, but he became tangled in their dresses and was slain by a Moor, one of the duke’s manservants. Carlo too was killed by the men around him. Girolamo Olgiato, on the other hand, managed to make his way through the crowd and out of the church. On seeing his companions dead, and not knowing where to flee, he ran home, where his father and brothers refused to receive him: Only his mother showed compassion, and entrusted Girolamo to a priest, an old family friend who disguised him in his robes and led him to his house. There Girolamo remained for two days, still hoping that some uprising in Milan might save him. But there was no uprising, so he tried to escape in disguise, afraid that sooner or later he would be discovered at the priest’s house. But he was recognized and handed over to the magistrates, to whom he revealed all the details of the conspiracy. Girolamo was twenty-three years old, and he showed as much spirit at his death as he had during the conspiracy. Finding himself stripped before his executioner, who stood knife in hand, Girolamo, a man of letters, spoke the following words in Latin:
Mors acerba, fama perpetua, stabit vetus memoria facti?
²⁰

The endeavor of these unfortunate young men was planned in secrecy and carried out with spirit, and they failed only when those who they expected would follow and defend them neither followed nor defended them. A prince should therefore learn to live in a manner that will make him loved and revered, so that no one who intends to assassinate him can hope to escape. Conspirators, on the other hand, should be aware of the futility of trusting the multitude, and of believing that even when malcontent the people will follow or join them in their perilous undertakings.
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All Italy was alarmed by this event, but alarmed even more by the events in Florence that were soon to follow, events that ended a peace in Italy that had lasted for twelve years, as I shall show in the following book, which might have a sad and tearful ending, but will commence with bloodshed and terror.