Read The Last Man in Russia: The Struggle to Save a Dying Nation Online
Authors: Oliver Bullough
afforded special privileges, given
medals. Its triumph in World War
Two has, if anything, become ever
more sacred to the country as the
years have passed. The role of the
prisoners in forging that victory has
been all but forgotten, however,
even though many of them had
committed no crime at all and
worked harder than anyone. They
were guilty only of being slightly
richer than their neighbours, or of
failing to join a collective farm, or of
telling a joke. Their torment is
largely unacknowledged in Russia
today.
Although Vladimir Putin in
2010, during his spell as prime
minister between his two stints as
president,
made
The
Gulag
Archipelago
compulsory reading for
schoolchildren in their eleventh year,
he does not encourage modern
historians to delve into the past. The
K G B’s files are closed to all but a
chosen few, and there has been little
acknowledgement of the oppressors’
guilt from Russia’s new supposedly
democratic government.
As the train rattled along, I had a
strange feeling that the suffering of
every one of those forgotten victims
had,
because
it
was
unacknowledged, hung around in
the air like the spirits of unburied
children. The haze would be purple,
I thought, and so dense that no
breeze could disperse it. As fresh
prisoners came to replace those who
died at work, the suffering built up
into a great pulsing tube. The tube
followed the railway line, until it
became
an
artery
linking
the
cancerous organs of the camp
system. To the north it flowed round
the bump of Inta, before ending in
the coal fields of Vorkuta. To the
south, it converged with dozens of
other tubes at the great beating heart
of the K G B headquarters on
Lubyanka Square. From there,
arteries spread in all directions.
Some stretched east and north
through Siberia to the camps of
Norilsk; others went beyond that to
the far east and over the sea – where
the purple congealed on the waves in
a loathsome slick – to the nightmares
that were Magadan and Kolyma.
As I lay sweating on my damp
bunk, the hallucination became real
for a second, and I could see the
purple outside the windows, filtering
the sunlight pouring into our
carriage. My neighbours did not
notice it. Perhaps they were used to
it. Almost everyone in the north is a
prisoner, or the child of a prisoner,
or the wife of a prisoner, or the
friend of a prisoner, or the jailer of a
prisoner. The purple miasma clings
to them all, and affects how they
speak and behave. It makes them
cautious
and
unfriendly
and
distrustful. It was only me, the
visitor, who could see it.
Most of my neighbours on the
train were returning from holiday,
still wearing T-shirts bearing the
names of Russia’s seaside resorts in
the Caucasus: Sochi, Anapa, Tuapse.
In the two bunks beneath me was a
middle-aged couple – he had a
moustache, she had tight shorts.
They kept themselves to themselves,
and rebuffed my occasional attempts
to chat. In fairness, my overtures
were self-serving. If I had made
friends with them, I could have
occasionally sat on their bunks. As it
was, I not only had no one to talk
with to pass the time, but had to pass
the time lying on my bunk looking
at the trees and checking my speed
calculation.
Our station stops were entirely
random. We would pull into what
looked like a decent-sized town and
chug out again after a couple of
minutes. Then we would wait for
half an hour at a platform carved out
of the forest, where there were no
shops and no one got on or off.
My two neighbours alighted at
the stop for Syktyvkar and were
replaced by two muscled lads in their
twenties. Much to my delight, they
invited me down to sit with them,
meaning I could get off my sweaty
mattress for the first time that day.
They regaled me with tales of
working on the North Stream gas
pipeline, which will pump gas to
Western Europe.
We drank beer and they swapped
tales of industrial accidents. A
comrade had slipped off the top of
the pipe and broken his leg. A
foreman had stepped back to check a
weld, fallen off the scaffolding and
broken his back. The other one
laughed at that. It was far worse, he
said,
working
for
foreign
contractors, since they make you
check your welds until there are no
leaks at all, and that takes hours.
One of them, Sergei, came from
Inta and had nothing to say in its
favour.
‘It’s a dying town,’ he said, and
asked where I would be staying. I
mentioned the name of the hotel, and
he just laughed. ‘If you can call it a
hotel.’
My heart sank a little as I
climbed back to my bunk for the
night.
When I awoke – it was hard to
call it morning, since it never gets
dark in summer this far north – the
black humps of the Ural Mountains
had heaved themselves over the
horizon to the east. They were
streaked with snow, and looked
menacing and old.
The man who drove me from the
station to town pointed out the last
working coal mine. Otherwise, the
town was sinking back into the
swamp it was born of.
‘I used to work in that one,’ he
said, as we passed another shuttered
working.
Father Dmitry, like most of the
prisoners who came through here,
worked in the mines. The pressing
need for coal of the war years had
passed by the late 1940s. Coal was
far more accessible and of better
quality in Ukraine. But the logic of
power in the gulag meant that the
bosses’ empires were untouchable.
To close the mines here would have
deprived someone of influence, so
the coal was hewn out of the ground,
loaded on to trucks and sent south to
feed the Soviet machine, whether it
was needed or not.
One story Father Dmitry liked to
tell was how, in the coal mine, he
asked the lift operator to hold the
controls while he spoke to people on
the level below. He lay on the
ground, with his head over the shaft
and shouted down to them. He
focused on the conversation and did
not notice when a comrade screamed
for him to get back, that the lift was
coming. The lift operator had
forgotten his promise, and the cage
was speeding down towards the
back of his head. At that point, a
Moldovan called Stan screamed ‘in a
voice’, Father Dmitry wrote, ‘of the
kind used at the front’.
He looked back, and the cage
passed within inches of his face.
‘Everyone was terribly worked up,
but I was calm, I somehow did not
sense the danger. I still don’t.’
Father Dmitry arrived in the
camps in 1948, the year the
government cracked down in earnest
on the freedoms Soviet citizens had
come to enjoy during the chaos of
World War Two. To show how alien
this was to what was happening
elsewhere in the world, 1948 was the
year when Britain founded the
National Health Service, when the
United States gifted Marshall Aid to
Western Europe, and when the
United
Nations
adopted
the
Universal Declaration of Human
Rights.
In 1948, the Soviet government
divided the inmates in two. The
prisoners called ‘criminals’ – those
guilty of murder, rape and other
ordinary crimes – were now housed
separately from those convicted of
political crimes. The number of
‘politicals’, who now got a tougher
routine, had increased. Among the
camp inmates were hundreds of
thousands of returning prisoners of
war – traitors for having surrendered
in battle. There were also unruly
elements from all the lands – Latvia,
Estonia, Lithuania, East Prussia,
Bessarabia, Karelia, Poland and so
on – that had been added to the
Soviet empire after the war. They
were all put to work.
Father Dmitry, a half-educated
peasant boy, was locked up as a
political
prisoner
and
thrown
together with professors and officers
and priests from all over Eastern
Europe. The camps were full of
Poles, Balts and Germans, and even
the occasional Westerner marooned
here by bureaucracy.
It was a university, and many of
the
lessons
were
brutal.
One
professor, Father Dmitry wrote,
complained about his treatment and
was locked in the punishment cell
immediately. The punishment cell
was four walls and no roof – in
winter. The professor came out
chastened and never spoke up again.
They were called by number –
Father Dmitry was K-956 – not by
name, and worked fourteen-hour
days until they were skeletal and
exhausted.
One
Lithuanian
became
so
emaciated that he gained extra
rations, but he did not eat them.
Something inside his brain had
snapped. He squirrelled them away
in his suitcase, until he was sent to
the hospital wing and died.
Prisoners could receive one letter
a year. They had ten minutes to eat
lunch.
‘From this hard life a lot of
people became grasses, informers, so
as to somehow ease their lives: many
of them were killed. One Lithuanian
informer was killed when he had just
a month until his release.’
From the earliest days of the
camps, prisoners had found solace in
religion. The violence between
different groups of prisoners, and
from guards, encouraged individuals
to form groups, to seek out like-
minded inmates to share their
troubles
with.
The
rituals
of
Christianity helped many of them
find comfort, and helped encourage
them to believe in a world outside
the
fences
and
tundra
that
surrounded them.
‘I stayed joyous and optimistic
for a long time, and then I too
suffered these bleak thoughts, that I
would never get out of there . . . My
only release was that there was
another life, there was God. He sees
all our sufferings. When I told the
prisoners that our sufferings would
end, they looked at me like I was a
baby who doesn’t understand life.
And when I told them I had been at
the front – so as to say that I wasn’t
a baby – they didn’t believe me.’
When Father Dmitry was in Inta
the prisoners lived in long wooden
barracks. Those are all but gone
now, having rotted into the muck
like many of the buildings that
replaced them. The conditions in the
Russian Arctic are so severe that the
weather will find the smallest
weakness in a building, squeeze its
way in like an infection and reduce it
to a hump of masonry and wood in
just a few years.
My car dropped me off outside
the Northern Girl hotel, identified by
a sign above a doorway in a block of
flats near the central square. The
lobby housed a cosmetics kiosk. At
the reception window was a blonde
woman who clearly spent much of
her spare time trying out the kiosk’s
products.