Read The Last Man in Russia: The Struggle to Save a Dying Nation Online
Authors: Oliver Bullough
by the hypocrisy of corrupt officials
who promised a bright future for
others while enjoying the fruits of
the present themselves. The Russian
state was killing hope, and humans
cannot survive without it. In the
vacuum, people reached out for
anything available, including God.
The hunger for religion . . .
was not a result of the
efforts of the church, but
rather of the decay and
corruption
of
official
ideology. It spread over the
entire country and affected
all social groups. Enormous
numbers of people tried to
fill the resulting spiritual
and intellectual vacuum with
alcohol, others tried to fill it
with the most diverse kind
of activities, from gardening
to philosophy.
The Russian Orthodox Church, like
the official hierarchies of the
Muslim,
Jewish
and
Buddhist
congregations in the Soviet Union,
h a d been
infiltrated
by
and
subordinated to the state. Although
communists had begun by assaulting
religion and imprisoning priests,
Stalin realized during World War
Two that the patriotic appeal of
defending the faith was a useful
mobilizer of men.
The Orthodox Church was not a
monolith, however. Among its
priests were some who did not
support the government slavishly in
all things, as their bishops did. And
among those priests was a man
called Dmitry Dudko – Father
Dmitry, to his friends. Alexeyeva
described him in her book, so I read
his work. He, I realized quickly, was
an exceptional man.
While the state was engaged in
producing reports on how well it
was doing, and the dissidents were
engaged in proving it wrong, Father
Dmitry was quietly comforting the
miserable and the downtrodden. And
he was not just a compulsive
comforter; he was a compulsive
writer. He left notebooks and articles
and sermons: hundreds of thousands
of words. These ranged from
accounts
of
parishioners’
confessions
to
autobiographical
sketches, to poems, to sermons.
They are a priceless source for
anyone seeking to understand how
communism, a movement intended
to perfect humanity, turned into a
system of oppression and misery.
The communism he describes is
not one that aims for a radiant future,
despite its claims. The Soviet state
was, in fact, almost perfectly
designed to make people unhappy. It
denied its citizens not just hope, but
also trust. Every activity had to be
sanctioned by the state. Any person
could be an informant. No action
could be guaranteed to be without
consequence.
Father
Dmitry
preached friendship and warmth and
belief to his parishioners, and
inspired a generation to live as
humans and not as parts of a
machine.
And Father Dmitry, I realized, as
I read his books and delved into his
world, was more than a witness and
an agitator. His life story – from his
birth in a Russian village after the
revolution, to his death in Moscow
in 2004 – is also the history of his
nation.
He
lived
through
collectivization, the crushing of the
80 per cent of Russians that were
peasants. He served as a soldier in
World War Two, when millions of
peasants
died
defending
the
government that had crushed them.
He spent eight years in the gulag, the
network of labour camps created to
break the spirit of anyone who still
resisted. He rose again to speak out
for his parishioners in the 1960s and
1970s, striving to help young
Russians create a freer and fairer
society.
Those decades are little written
about today, but they are central to
Russia’s population crisis, so those
are the decades this book focuses on.
It is not a biography of Father
Dmitry, nor is it a history of the
Russians’ twentieth century. Instead,
it is something in between. Father
Dmitry’s life, for me, is the life of
his nation in microcosm. In tracing
the life and death of Father Dmitry, I
am tracing the life and death of his
nation.
How did Russia become a
country where my friend Misha
considers it acceptable to drink a litre
of brandy before embarking on a
day’s work? And how did it become
a country where no one finds that
strange – a country where brandy is
on sale beside fried eggs, sausage
and bread at breakfast time? One
man’s alcoholism is his own tragedy.
A whole nation’s alcoholism is a
tragedy too, but also a symptom of
something far larger, of a collective
breakdown.
Public
life
in
Russia
is
stubbornly dishonest. Transparency
International’s yearly survey ranks
countries on a 10-point scale, where
10 is very clean and 0 is highly
corrupt (New Zealand came top in
2011 with 9.5, Somalia and North
Korea came last with 1). Russia has,
since the survey began in the 1990s,
consistently scored between 2.1 and
2.8, putting it in the company of
Nigeria and Belarus, and below the
likes of Syria, Pakistan and Eritrea.
Russians
consider
themselves
civilized Europeans, but have to
endure the humiliation of daily
encounters with officials that belong
in a squalid dictatorship.
I once asked Kolya, a friend of
mine, what he would do first if he
became president. Kolya is jovial
and loud, so I expected he would
announce something funny. Perhaps
he would legalize polygamy for
people whose names begin with a K.
He sat and thought for more than a
minute. He stared at his glass of beer
and toyed with a cigarette.
‘I would kill myself,’ he said at
last, without a trace of a smile.
It is hardly surprising that
Russians
have
long
been
unenthusiastic about politics. In one
yearly survey from the Levada
Centre, a polling organization, the
options to choose from are ‘life isn’t
so bad, you can survive’, ‘life is bad,
but you can endure’ and ‘enduring
our
calamitous
situation
is
impossible’. There has been a slow
move from the third category to the
second since the late 1990s, but the
fact that those are the only categories
does not suggest that this is a
country happy about the future.
In this book, I ask how this came
about. It is not only a journey into
the past, however, because the
Russian population crisis could have
enormous consequences for the
future. In the Chinese province of
Heilongjiang there are more than 38
million people. In Russia’s Maritime,
Amur and Birobidzhan regions,
which border it to the north and are
collectively not too much larger,
there are around 3 million people. If
that number keeps falling, then it is
easy to wonder if the Chinese might
think the Russians do not want that
land and decide to take it from them.
The modern world has never had to
confront a situation where a country
does not have enough people to
support itself any more.
In Father Dmitry’s life story,
therefore, I have sought other
answers too: is there hope for the
future? Is the damage inflicted on the
Russians reversible? Can a new
generation, raised without the dead
dogma of communism, kindle a new
kind of state, where people are free
to be themselves?
It is possible to imagine the kind
of state where Russians might be
happy to live, work and have
children: the only kind of state that
could have a future. It is what Father
Dmitry was trying to build when he
preached
in
the
churches
of
Moscow, and when he prayed in the
K G B’s camps. That is why I set off
to follow the tracks of Father Dmitry
and his friends, north to the gulag,
east to the Urals, but first of all west
to the village of his birth: Berezino,
in the forests of Russia’s ancient
heart.
They took our grandfather’s land
So one morning in summer 2010 I
woke up in an old Soviet hotel in the
city of Bryansk, far to Moscow’s
west.
It was hot. The buildings were
wavering in the heat before I even
left the bus station, where tanned,
shirtless bus drivers shouted their
final destinations as if they could
persuade arriving passengers to
cancel their travel plans and go with
them instead. The route to Berezino
was complex. First I sat on a packed
minibus, which took me to a large
shop. Then an elderly bus rattled to a
town covered in grey cement dust.
This was Fokino. Then another bus
took me to Berezino itself. We
stopped on the edge of a dusty yard,
flayed by the sun and dominated by
a five-storey apartment block. Two
large-bosomed
women
stood
beneath its balconies and argued.
My goal was to find Father
Dmitry’s surviving relatives, but I
had not up to now given much
thought to how I would do that once
I got here. My normal approach is to
turn up, look inquisitive and hope
someone takes pity on me. I walked
towards the two women, and idled
past them. They ignored me. One or
two people were still by the bus stop,
so I walked back towards them,
passing the two women once more.
Again, no one looked at me.
‘What are you doing?’
I turned to see a handsome
woman of about forty, eyes crinkled
with amusement, all dressed in black
despite the weather. She was sitting
on a bench in the shade of the bus
station.
‘I saw you come in on the bus,
and then walk over there, and walk
back here, and now you’re standing
around. What are you doing?’
She looked friendly, so I
explained the nature of my quest: I
was looking for relatives of Father
Dmitry, and wanted to understand
h o w his upbringing had made him
the way he was. She shook her head.
There were no Dudkos round here.
But she had nothing much to do for
the next few hours so she took my
hand and marched me across the
baked plain of the yard to meet her
mother.
‘I’m called Galya,’ she said.
It was only after we had rung her
mother’s doorbell for some time that
she remembered that it was a
Saturday. Her mother, it transpired,
was a Seventh Day Adventist and
would be praying with her sister,
Galya’s aunt. We marched back
down the staircase and across to a
second apartment block – the ground
in between was full of vegetables
ripening early in this intense heat –
where we found the old women.
They
wore
headscarves
and
cardigans, and were sitting on an old
sofa with the Book of Revelation
open in front of them.
They had never heard of any
Dudkos, and had lived here all their
lives.
This
was
not
good.
Nonetheless, I decided to come away
with
something
and
got
my
notebook
out
anyway.
Anna
Vasilyevna, Galya’s aunt, was born
in 1922 – the same year as Father
Dmitry. Nina Vasilyevna, who had
twelve other children besides Galya,
was three years younger. This, I