The Norman Conquest (64 page)

10
  
DNB
Ealdgyth; Baxter,
Earls of Mercia
, 52; above, 117.

11
   Cf. Barlow,
Confessor
, 227.

12
  
VER
, xxiii–xxiv, xxx–xxxi.

13
   E. van Houts, ‘The Norman Conquest Through European Eyes’,
EHR
, 110 (1995), 845–6.

14
   Baxter, ‘Edward the Confessor’, 101–3.

15
   G. Garnett, ‘Coronation and Propaganda: Some Implications of the Norman Claim to the Throne of England in 1066’,
TRHS,
5th ser., 36 (1986), 92–3. Cf. Barlow,
Confessor
, 254–5.

16
   WM,
Gesta Regum
, 420–2.

17
   Baxter, ‘Edward the Confessor’, 114; WM,
Saints’ Lives
, 86–9;
ASC
C, 1065.

18
   Wace, 156.

19
   WP, 70–1;
GND
, ii, 160–1. See also Eadmer, 8–9.

20
   WP, 100–1; Gillingham, ‘William the Bastard’, 99–102.

21
   WP, 105. C. Morton, ‘Pope Alexander II and the Norman Conquest’,
Latomus
(1975), 362–82, argues that the papal banner was a fiction invented by William of Poitiers, and that Rome’s support for the Conquest was actually retrospective. But her argument founders on several important pieces of evidence—in particular, a letter of Pope Gregory VII to William which refers explicitly to his having supported the invasion. Cf. van Houts, ‘Norman Conquest Through European Eyes’, 850, n2; Garnett, ‘Coronation and Propaganda’, 99, n50.

22
   WP, 100–3; Wace, 157–8; WM,
Gesta Regum
, 448–9.

23
   WP, 100–1, 106–7; Wace, 159.

24
   WM,
Gesta Regum
, 448–9: ‘The soldiers grumbled in their tents …“his father had the same idea, and was prevented in the same way’”.

25
   Wace, 159;
EHD
, ii, 606. For more on the ordinance, see below, 236–7.

26
   M. Chibnall, ‘Military Service in Normandy Before 1066’,
Anglo-Norman Warfare
(Woodbridge, 1992), 28–40.

27
   Wace, 159.

28
   E. M. C. van Houts, ‘The Ship List of William the Conqueror’,
ANS
, 10 (1988), 159–83.

29
   Wace, 158–9 (see also HH, 24–5); WP, 106–7.

30
   B. Bachrach, ‘On the Origins of William the Conqueror’s Horse Transports’,
Technology and Culture
, 26 (1985), 505–31, suggests that the Normans did not have the technology to transport horses, and must have procured ships from the Mediterranean. But (at 514) his argument relies heavily on a mistranslated line in
The Carmen de Hastingae Proelio
, ed. C. Morton and H. Muntz (Oxford, 1972), 18–19. Cf.
Carmen
, 14–15, and C. M. Gillmor, ‘Naval Logistics of the Cross-Channel Operation, 1066’,
ANS
, 7 (1984), 111–13.

31
   WP, 106–7;
ASC
C and D, 1066;
GND
, ii, 162–3.

32
   Snorri, 135–6; OV, ii, 141–3. Freeman,
Norman Conquest
, iii, 708–13 (‘The Movements of Tostig after his Banishment’) states that Orderic’s testimony is supported by William of Jumièges, unaware that the passage in question is a later interpolation by Orderic himself:
GND
, ii, 162–3.

33
   JW, ii, 600–1, adds ‘returning from Flanders’ to the Chronicle’s account; Gaimar,
Estoire
, 280–1, says that the majority of Tostig’s force were Flemings.

34
  
ASC
C, D and E, 1066.

35
   Ibid.; above, 76; JW, ii, 600–1.

36
  
ASC
C, 1066. See also WP, 106–7.

37
  
Recueil
des actes des ducs de Normandie de
911
à
1066
, ed. M. Fauroux (Caen, 1961), 442–3, no. 231; Brown,
Normans and the Norman Conquest
, 127.

38
   Wace, 163; Gillmor, ‘Naval Logistics’, 109–16. In 1997 more ships were found on the site of the museum itself, including one datable to Cnut’s reign that measured thirty-six metres – the longest ever discovered.

39
   Van Houts, ‘Ship List’, 166, 176, 179;
GND
, ii, 164–5; Wace, 163

40
   Van Houts, ‘Ship List’, 170, 176, 179; OV, ii, 144–5; WP, 102–3, 130–1.

41
   Ibid., 102–3, 116–17; OV, ii, 168–9;
Carmen
, 8–9; van Houts, ‘Norman Conquest Through European Eyes’, 846, n3.

42
   Lawson,
Battle of Hastings
, 176–86, gives a useful overview of the evidence, but his case for accepting the very large chronicle figures fails to convince.

43
   WP, xxiv–xxvi, 102–3. Cf. Bates,
Conqueror
, III; Morris,
Great and Terrible King
, 272–3; C. and G. Grainge, ‘The Pevensey Expedition: Brilliantly Executed Plan or Near Disaster?’,
Battle of Hastings
, ed. Morillo, 130–42.

44
   B. Bachrach, ‘Some Observations on the Military Administration of the Norman Conquest’,
ANS
, 8 (1986), 1–25. Note, however, the criticisms of Davis, ‘Warhorses of the Normans’, 69, 80.

45
   WP, 102–5.

46
  
ASC
C, 1066.

CHAPTER 10

1
  Adam of Bremen,
History of the Archbishops of Hamburg-Bremen,
trans. F. J. Tschan (Columbia, 2002), 128; WP, 116–17; Arnold,
Vikings
, 187–8.

2
  Snorri, 20–1, 24, 29.

3
  Ibid., 33, 58–62.

4
  Ibid., 65–81.

5
  E.g. Stenton,
Anglo-Saxon England,
560, 569, 575; Douglas,
Conqueror
, 173, 180; above, 60–1.

6
  Barlow,
Confessor
, 209;
ASC
D, 1048, 1058; above, 62.

7
  Snorri, 122–9, 180–1.

8
  Above, 147–8;
ASC
C, 1066.

9
  Snorri, 135–8; Gaimar,
Estoire
, 280–1; W. H. Stevenson, ‘Notes on Old-English Historical Geography’,
EHR
, 11 (1896), 301–4.

10
   E.g. C. Jones,
The Forgotten Battle of 1066: Fulford
(Stroud, 2006), 101–44.

11
   Snorri, 135–8; K. DeVries,
The Norwegian Invasion of England in 1066
(Woodbridge, 1999), 233–40; OV, ii, 142–5.

12
   Snorri, 139, 141;
ASC
D and E, 1066; JW, ii, 602–3.

13
   Snorri, 141–2;
ASC C
, D and E, 1066.

14
   Ibid.

15
   OV, ii, 144–5; DeVries,
Norwegian Invasion
, 263. Cf. Douglas,
Conqueror
, 191, and Freeman,
Norman Conquest
, iii, 343.

16
  
ASC
C, 1066.

17
   Ibid.; Snorri, 69, 142–4.

18
  
ASC
C, 1066; JW, ii, 602–3.

19
  
ASC
C, 1066. Snorri, 145, claims the Norwegians established a camp at Stamford before the fall of York, but does not suggest why. Modern suggestions include the site’s geographical convenience and its proximity to Harold Godwineson’s manor at Catton. Stenton,
Anglo-Saxon England
, 589; I. W. Walker,
Harold: The Last Anglo-Saxon King
(Stroud, 2004), 182.

20
  
ASC
C, 1066.

21
   Ibid.; Snorri, 146–53; van Houts, ‘Norman Conquest Through European Eyes’, 839, n2.

22
  
ASC
D, 1066;
VER
, 88–9.

23
   OV, ii, 168–9; WM,
Gesta Regum
, 468–9.

CHAPTER 11

1
  WP, 102–3. Cf. M. Chibnall,
Anglo-Norman England, 1066–1166
(Oxford, 1986); R. A. Brown, ‘The Battle of Hastings’,
Battle of Hastings
, ed. Morillo, 201, n2O. Chibnall was perhaps inspired by the seventeenth-century historian John Hayward, who speculated that William was waiting for Harold Hardrada to invade: Chibnall,
Debate
, 32.

2
 
Carmen
, xiii–xix, xxiv–xlii.

3
  Ibid., xxix, xlii–liii.

4
  Ibid., 4–5.

5
  WP, 108–9.

6
 
Carmen
, 4–5; WP, 108–9; R. H. C. Davis, ‘William of Poitiers and his History of William the Conqueror’, idem,
From Alfred the Great to Stephen
(1991), 103; above, 161–2.

7
 
Carmen
, 6–7; WP, 110–11.

8
  Douglas,
Conqueror
, 397;
Carmen
, lxv–lxviii, 8–9.

9
  Van Houts, ‘Ship List’, 166, 168, 172–3.

10
   WP, 110–11;
Carmen
, lxviii–lxix, 8–9.

11
   WP, 112–13.

12
  
Carmen
, lxviii–Ixx, 8–11.