The President's Call: Executive Leadership From FDR to George Bush (26 page)

BOOK: The President's Call: Executive Leadership From FDR to George Bush
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Page 81
visor Fred Malek, these changes strengthened PASs' power such that
the degree to which they succeed will have a powerful influence on the effectiveness of government and consequently on the quality of life in the United States. . . . In today's government, the Cabinet and White House staff exert powerful influence on the direction of an administration and most decisions that are credited to a president are actually made at the staff level with only pro forma approval from the president. The people around the chief executive are the ones who actually run the agencies, sift through the issues, identify the problems and present analyses and recommendations for the chief's decision. It is they who give shape to the administration's governing strategy and transform vague party platforms into hard policies and legislative proposals. This does not mean that the president is only an automaton, but one should never underestimate the power of those around him. (Bonafede 1987a, 32-33)
Pfiffner argues that this is, indeed, how it should be. The president should not try to manage much
directly,
but must set the general tone and focus and count on surrogates to handle the details, striking the right balance between management and political leadership.
From a broader perspective, presidential control of the government means realizing that the president leads better by persuasion than by command. Our fragmented separation-of-powers system will not allow the type of tight presidential control over the government that some presidents seem to want. Effective presidential control derives from the realization that real power in the U.S. political system grows out of political consensus forged by true political leadership, not stratagem or management techniques. (Pfiffner 1991, 16)
The lack of continuity from one administration to the next characterized all presidencies in the past half-century until the succession of George Bush. Bonafede notes the volatility of modern politics, which has served to weaken the appointments process:
Not since Herbert Hoover in 1928 had a president succeeded an immediate predecessor of his own party who had completed a regular term of office. Truman, Johnson, and Ford entered in the White House through the deaths or resignation of their predecessors; Roosevelt, Eisenhower, Kennedy, Nixon, Carter, and Reagan each succeeded a president of the opposing party. Consequently, each . . . has come into office with a distinct
 
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handicap. Those who ascended to the presidency because of the interrupted terms of their predecessors were compelled to accept, at least in the beginning, inherited political appointees.
Those who succeeded presidents of the opposing party felt obliged to build their own organizational and operational structure distinctive from that of the previous administration. A mutually cooperative transition could possibly have averted errors of the past and ensured a legacy of proved techniques and practices, but mutually cooperative transitions have not been commonplace in modern government. (Ibid., 54-55)
The quality of the selection process for political appointees is a source of much debate and study, as is the quality of its product, the appointees, themselves. Selection holds a central place in the functioning of government. The country needs an "appointment process that is able consistently to identify and recruit government leaders with expertise, integrity, creativity, and political sensitivity. . . . We cannot have good government in the United States without good people making and implementing the important decisions" (Macy et al. 1983, 3).
In the dance of bureaucracy, selection is key to the appointee partner, much more so than to the career partner. This is because the majority of appointees emerge with the advent of a new administration (most are chosen within the first few months), receive only cursory pre-appointment examination, stay for a relatively short time, and soon leave government or recycle into another agency. The career executives, on the other hand, spend years preparing for their positions, undergo periodic review and evaluation, and will generally be in place long after the appointees are part of agency history.
"Nine Enemies and One Ingrate": Presidential Approaches to Political Appointments
In the modern milieu of expanded government size and jurisdiction, the responsibility of the president to name political appointees has also grown. It is not a task he can delegate to others and still expect felicitous results from, because "presidential involvement and identification with the appointments process is indispensable in attracting qualified people who combine professional competence and political compatibility" (Bonafede 1987a, 55). Yet, the past several decades have seen a generally growing antipathy toward the federal bureaucracy, viewing it as the nemesis on which to blame the nation's problems. Eisenhower was deter-

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