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Authors: Julie Tetel Andresen,Phillip M. Carter

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Final Note: On Density and Diversity

We spent half of this chapter outlining the linguistic effects of humans on the move, either to hunt the game or to find fields to plant the wheat, rice, millet, or corn. We pause now to consider the reasons why humans choose not to move, why they stay where they are when they find a place they like. The fact of the matter is that languages are distributed unevenly around the world, with about half the languages of the world occupying one tenth of the world's area, namely, the area around the equator. The farther from the equator you go, the fewer languages you find and the greater the area in which each of these languages is spoken. We humans can get restless, but at the same time, we also value the principle of the least effort. If you live near the equator, you likely live in a place where you can easily meet all your subsistence needs within a small geographic area, and you are likely to be more self-sufficient and sedentary than your cousins who live in the Arctic.

Language diversity also decreases in inverse proportion to the size of the political unit encompassing a given geographical area. The landmasses of large states such as Russia, China, and the United States today are relatively less diverse linguistically than, say, the island of New Guinea, and North America is surely less linguistically diverse today than it was 500 years ago. Brazil, which is also a large state, has more diversity, since a significant portion of the country is in the tropics and includes a large part of the Amazon Basin. What we do not know is how much linguistic diversity was lost when most human populations shifted from hunting and gathering to cultivation and animal husbandry. Before the populations representing the major language families of today often expanded into areas already inhabited, there was possibly more language diversity, with more and smaller bands of hunter-gatherers speaking different languages than those that survived the expansions.

In terms of the present day, the area around the equator not only has the highest density of language diversity but also has the highest density of endangered languages. We take up the topic of the future of endangered languages in Chapter 12. In the next chapter, we turn to the topic of the conditions leading to the fact that many languages are endangered: colonization.

Language Profile: ‘Olelo Hawai‘i [Hawaiian (Austronesian)]
Functional overview

Hawaiian belongs to the Polynesian branch of the Austronesian languages. It was historically spoken over the hundreds of islands spread across 1500 miles, the eight
largest being: Hawai‘i (referred to as
The Big Island
to differentiate it from the name of the state), Kaho‘olawe, Kaua‘i, Lāna‘i, Maui, Moloka‘i, Ni‘ihau, and O‘ahu. These islands have been inhabited for about 3000 years. The first documented European visit was in 1778. Several decades later, namely in 1810, King Kamehameha I united the islands for the first time. Beginning in 1820, American Protestant missionaries came to Hawai‘i. By 1826, they had created an alphabet for Hawaiian, and in 1839, King Kamehameha III presided over the creation of a constitution written in Hawaiian. During the nineteenth century, Hawai‘i was a self-governing constitutional monarchy. In 1959, it became the fiftieth state of the United States. Hawaiian and English are the official languages.

As a result of the long contact between Hawaiians and mainland Americans and the eventual statehood of Hawai‘i, common Hawaiian words such as
aloha
‘hello,' ‘good-bye,' ‘love,'
hula
‘dance accompanied by chant or song,'
lanai
‘porch, veranda,'
lei
‘necklace of flowers,'
luau
‘outdoor feast,' and
ukulele
‘Hawaiian guitar' have entered American English. Because of the popularity of the ancient Hawaiian sport of surfing, other words have entered American English, notably
kahuna
‘magician, sorcerer' and, by extension, any expert then specifically the leader of a group of surfers, The Big Kahuna, as well as
wahine
‘woman (in general)' and, by extension, ‘female surfer.' Similarly in the local varieties of English spoken in Hawai‘i, Hawaiian phrases are common. One such phrase is
p
‘
au hana
‘it (work) is finished.' Another in widespread use is
mahalo
‘thank you.'

The Hawaiian language is not to be confused with Hawaiian Creole English, which arose at the end of the nineteenth century as a result of diverse speaking populations from the Pacific coming to work on Hawaiian pineapple plantations.

Prominent structural characteristics
Phonemic inventory

Hawaiian is striking for its relatively small phonemic inventory. With eight consonants and five vowels that contrast for length, the entire inventory of 18 phonemes falls just below the threshold of 20–50 that is a worldwide norm for phonemic inventories. The consonants are: [p, k, ʔ, h, l, m, n, v/w]. The
‘okina
[ʔ] ‘glottal stop' (literally ‘break') is represented in writing as ‘, and it is found in the traditional way to write the name of the state, Hawai‘i [havaiʔi].
19
We saw at the beginning of Chapter 7 that another Polynesian language, Tahitian, has a glottal stop where the other languages have a medial -ng-, -g-, or -n-. So, a tendency for consonants to become glottal stops is not unusual in the Polynesian family. In Hawaiian, it is the case that the glottal stop tends to correspond to [k] in related languages. In Tuamotu, the word
tiki
‘image' is cognate with Hawaiian
ki
‘
i
. We noted in Chapter 7 that
*
[t] became [k] in Hawaiian.

The glottal stop [ʔ] is phonemic in Hawaiian, as can be illustrated by the following minimal pairs:

ala
‘road, awake'
‘ala
‘fragrant'
kai
‘ocean'
ka
‘
i
‘to lead'
kiki
‘to sting'
ki
‘
i
‘picture'

The only other consonant that merits discussion is [w], which varies geographically. On The Big Island, the variant [v] is heard, exemplified by the name of the state,
noted above. On the islands of Kaua‘i and Ni‘ihau, the variant [w] is heard. There is also some evidence to suggest that [w]/[v] are allophones, with [v] appearing after unround vowels, for example,
iwa
‘nine' pronounced
iva
, and [w] appearing after round vowels, for example,
‘auwa‘i
‘ditch' pronounced as spelled.

The consonant [k] is the most common one in the language. When it comes to rendering English words in Hawaiian, [k] is often used and can substitute for 10 English consonants. For instance, the native
kika
means ‘slippery.' It can, however, also be used for ‘sister,' ‘cider,' and ‘tiger,' which might be alternatively spelled
tita
,
sida
, and
tiga
, respectively, although there is no [t], [s], [d], or [g] in the language. Similarly, the native word
kini
, meaning ‘multitude,' could also be used for the English words
king
,
kin
,
zinc
,
Guinea
,
Jean
,
Jane
, and
Jennie
.

The vowels are: [i, e, a, o, u, ī, ē, ā, ō, ū]. Vowel length is phonemic, as the following minimal pairs illustrate:

kanaka
‘man'
kānaka
‘men'
kohola
‘reef'
koholā
‘whale'
hio
‘to blow'
hiō
‘to lean'
kao
‘spear'
kāō
‘crowd'

There is almost no limitation on the number of vowels that can be used together, as in the word:

hooiaioia
‘certified'

and there can be entire phrases without consonants except for glottal stops (and offered here without grammatical analysis):

Ua ‘ō ‘ia au
‘I am speared'
E uē a‘e ‘oe iā ‘Ī‘ī
‘You must weep for ‘Ī‘ī [a person]'
E a‘o a‘e ‘oe iāia
‘You teach him'

There are no consonant clusters in Hawaiian, and all syllables end with a vowel. Given the syllable structure and the phonemic inventory, the following substitutions occur:

San
F
ran
c
isco
Ka
pa
la
k
iko

 

Mer
ry
Ch
ri
st
ma
s
Me
li
Ka
li
ki
ma
ka
Pronoun system

The Russian–American linguist Roman Jakobson is known for having said, “Languages differ essentially in what they
must
convey and not in what they
may
convey.” We have seen/will see various examples of this dictum throughout the Language Profiles at the ends of Chapters 4–12. For instance, English requires a distinction between
he
and
she
,
his
and
her
, and
him
and
her
, which many languages
do not, although those languages could differentiate between a third-person male and female person in some way, if necessary.

Similarly, Hawaiian requires distinctions in the pronoun system that English does not, but English speakers could make them, by means of phrases. The distinctions are:
kā
- ‘inclusive' and
mā
- ‘exclusive' along with -
ua
and -
lua
‘dual' (probably historically related to
lua
‘two') and -kou ‘plural, more than two' (likely historically related to
kolu
‘three'); -
lā
is third person.

Person
Singular
Dual
Plural
1 inclusive
au/wau, a‘u
kā-ua
kā-kou
1 exclusive
mā-ua
mā-kou
2
‘oe
‘o-lua
‘ou-kou
3
ia
lā-ua
lā-kou

This 11-way pronoun system is characteristic of Austronesian languages. So,
Ike
au
is ‘
I
know,' whereas
Ike
kāua
is ‘
we
(you and I) know,' and
Ike
māua
is ‘
we
(he and I) know.'

Hawaiian pronouns differ from English pronouns in at least three further ways:

  1. pronouns are frequently omitted, unless there is ambiguity; the answer to the question ‘Do you know?' is normally
    Ike
    ‘Know';
  2. in the imperative, the subject is expressed; instead of ‘Go way' we find
    E hele
    ‘
    oe
    ‘
    You
    go away'
  3. the pronoun subject of successive verbs follows the last verb rather than the first one.
‘Imi
i
wahi
e
lilo
mai
‘oia
look
(object)
way
(intensive)
escape
hither
(subject)
he
‘He looked for a way to escape'

This pronoun system is complicated by a further distinction, namely one of alienable/ inalienable possession that runs throughout the possessive pronouns (
my
,
your
,
his
/
her
, etc.). These are formed by adding #k- to the forms above and infixing either an
a
or an
o
. To give but one example,
kā
kā-kou
is ‘our' (plural, inclusive, alienable), while
kō
kā-kou
is ‘our' (plural, inclusive, inalienable). There are over 20 forms for the possessive pronouns, whereas English has about six.

VSO word order

Hawaiian is VSO. We have just seen that pronouns follow verbs, which already suggests that the subject follows the verb, as it regularly does:

Ua hele
ke kanaka
i Maui
(perfective) go
the man
to Maui
‘The man went to Maui.'

 

Ua ‘ā
ke kanaka
i
ka poi
(perfective) eat
the man
(object)
the poi
‘The man ate the poi.'

We see, furthermore, that the tense marker precedes the verb, as expected, while an indirect object will also conform to expectations of V–S–O–IO, that is, by following the direct object, as in:

Ke
hā‘awi aku
nei
au
i
kēia
iā‘oe
(present)
give away
(present)
I
(object)
this
to you
‘I give this to you.'

Adjectives follow nouns, and word order, as opposed to any kind of adjectival marking, expresses the relationship among the terms. Thus, the word
maka‘i
can function as the noun ‘goodness' or ‘beauty,' or as the adjective ‘good' or ‘beautiful,' depending on its position:

kāna wahine maika‘i

his wife beautiful

‘his beautiful wife'

as opposed to:

kona maika‘i wahine

her beauty womanly

‘her feminine beauty'

In the order of the elements in the name of the language ‘
Olelo Hawai‘i
, the second element is the adjective ‘Hawaiian,' and the first
‘olelo
can function in different contexts as the verb ‘to speak, to call, to give a name.' Hawaiian has a wide range of particles to show grammatical relationships, and the
‘o-
marks a subject, which can also be thought of as showing slight emphasis, where to direct one's attention. If your name is Pua, you will answer the question `What's your name?' with the answer: `O Pua'.

Possessives

There are two kinds of possessives in Polynesian languages, sometimes distinguished by the terms
alienable
and
inalienable
. Other pairs of terms have been proposed, such as
active
and
passive
as well as
acquired
and
inherited
. In Hawaiian, possessives are marked with the postpositions
a
and
o
(
ā
and ō preceding syllables with long vowels and diphthongs). The postposition
a
indicates alienable, active, and acquired possession of the type:

ka lei
a
Pua

`the lei
of
Pua' (the one she is going to sell)

ka ki‘i
a
Pua

`the picture
of
Pua' (the one she took or painted)

Pua's lei and picture are not an integral part of her. She did something active to acquire them; she caused ownership. She can also do something to dispose of them, say, sell them or give them away. Most material objects take
a
.

The postposition
o
indicates inalienable, passive, and inherited possession of the type:

na iwi
o
Pua

`the bones
of
Pua' (the bones in her body)

Pua did nothing active to acquire those bones. She did not cause them. She inherited them. She also cannot dispose of them. Body parts take
o
, and this feeling of inalienability extends to clothing, since it is in intimate contact with the body. Thus,

ka lei
o
Pua

`the lei
of
Pua'

clearly means that this is the lei she wears. Similarly,

ka ki‘i
a
Pua

`the picture
of
Pua'

means that this a photograph of her. It is (inalienably) her photograph. A few further material objects take
o
, such as one's house, canoe, land, and sometimes adzes (ax-like tools). These objects are considered important, inalienable, and likely inherited, and are things the owner will not part with. Modern things such as horses and automobiles also take
o
, likely through analogy with the canoe.

In the realm of kinship, these two kinds of possession are logical: one's generational blood relations and all ancestors are inherited, and take
o
; one's relations by marriage and all later generations are acquired, and take
a
. Thus,

k
ō
na kupuna

`his/her grandparent'

k
ā
na keiki

`his/her child'

One inherits one's grandparents. One is active in producing one's own child.

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